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0:00
This is the BBC. Hi,
0:30
I'm Ben Ansell, and thank you for listening to my BBC Radio 4 Wreath lectures
0:32
on our democratic
0:54
future. In this fourth and
0:56
final lecture, I look at the future
0:58
of prosperity and how we can get
1:00
and stay rich in a world of
1:02
increased climate change and risks from artificial
1:04
intelligence. Welcome
1:07
to Georgia in the southern United
1:09
States for this, the final Wreath
1:11
lecture of the series. A
1:14
centre for the civil rights struggle,
1:16
Georgia was more recently pivotal in
1:18
helping to determine the outcome of
1:20
the last presidential election. This
1:22
year, it's often been in the
1:24
headlines after charges of election fraud were
1:26
brought against Donald Trump and
1:28
now we're less than a year away
1:30
from what looks like another highly contentious
1:33
contest. We're in Atlanta
1:35
at the Georgia Institute of Technology,
1:37
known here as Georgia Tech, one
1:40
of America's top public research universities.
1:42
It has more than 47,000 students
1:44
specialising in
1:47
computing and engineering. And as such, this
1:49
place is symbolic of the increasing,
1:53
how shall I put it, economic muscle flexing
1:55
of the south. And we're
1:57
here with Oxford University's Professor Ben Ansell.
18:00
of Vienna built so much public housing in the 1920s that
18:02
even today 60% of the Viennese live
18:06
in state-subsidized housing, which is why
18:08
they can afford such fancy pastries.
18:12
Now I'm sure a lot of people in this
18:14
room wouldn't want to
18:16
live in state-subsidized housing. And
18:19
yet many of you do. Because if you
18:21
have a mortgage backed by Fannie Mae or
18:23
you take the mortgage interest rate deduction on
18:25
your income taxes, then guess what? The government
18:28
is also subsidizing you. But
18:31
governments and politics can also
18:33
make housing even less affordable
18:35
by restrictive zoning or planning
18:37
rules. And sometimes in
18:39
America that has been a deliberate
18:41
way of enforcing racial segregation through
18:43
redlining, as happened here in Atlanta.
18:46
And it's still used today to keep poorer
18:48
citizens out of wealthier neighborhoods. But
18:51
even when they're not trying to keep
18:53
others out, it's hard to get people
18:56
to support house buildings because the short-term
18:58
costs of new developments, streets dug up,
19:00
strains on the schools, they loom large.
19:03
While the benefits of new housing, well, they're
19:05
in the future. They go to new arrivals,
19:07
not old neighbors. We need
19:09
new housing to have shared prosperity because we
19:11
don't want future generations unable to afford the
19:14
houses that we grew up in and
19:16
loved. But that
19:19
means we have to take the task
19:21
of building homes seriously and that takes
19:23
political courage. It means taking on the
19:25
most powerful vested interest of all in
19:27
politics, existing homeowners.
19:30
Again, I can feel politicians shuddering at the
19:32
idea, but there are ways of sweetening the
19:35
deal. One novel idea is
19:37
street votes. So your whole street gets
19:39
to vote on a new zoning plan
19:41
for that street. And if it passes,
19:44
then everyone on the street gets
19:46
rights to develop following that plan
19:48
and potentially benefit from the rising
19:50
values following development. Or the
19:52
street could just vote it down. But the important
19:54
part here is that the decisions made on your
19:56
street, not in City Hall. self-regulation.
24:02
And it's true that major tech-siggers from Elon
24:04
Musk to Bill Gates worry about a malign
24:07
artificial intelligence. They do. But
24:09
the short-term incentives of tech firms for
24:11
profit margins mean that we'd be naive
24:13
to trust technologists to solely regulate themselves
24:16
or to think that they wouldn't charge us
24:18
a fortune to restrain the very algorithms that
24:20
they've created. So perhaps
24:22
we should take a hint instead from
24:24
this year's most celebrated drama about a
24:27
wreath lecturer. And you're wondering what it is.
24:29
Seventy years ago this fall
24:31
Robert Oppenheimer delivered his wreath
24:33
lectures as humanity faced another
24:35
Promethean moment. He spoke
24:38
of science as a pilgrimage towards understanding
24:40
over the long centuries, culminating in the
24:42
exploitation of the power locked
24:44
in the subatomic world, a power that
24:47
Oppenheimer himself of course mastered. But
24:50
after creating the atomic bomb he spent the
24:52
rest of his life concerned
24:54
with the political question of how to prevent
24:56
its further use. And spoiler
24:58
alert, that did not make him popular.
25:01
But humanity has so far never again
25:03
played with atomic fire. And not because
25:06
we couldn't, but because we
25:08
chose not to collectively. And in part
25:10
this was the deterrence of mutually assured
25:12
destruction. But much of our
25:14
success came from regulation and from cooperation.
25:17
After the creation of the bomb
25:19
the US government and its atomic
25:21
agencies made sure to have oversight
25:24
and control of any further innovation.
25:26
As the Cold War ground on,
25:28
hostile superpowers were still able to
25:30
agree on non-proliferation and ultimately nuclear
25:32
arms reduction. So surely
25:34
the international challenges today of regulating
25:36
AI, it can't outweigh those of
25:38
two superpowers nonetheless choosing to control
25:41
their Promethean urges. So
25:43
our governments cannot leave governing AI
25:45
just to the algorithmists. If AI
25:48
does create unimaginable fortunes it'll be
25:50
the role of democratic governments to
25:53
make sure that people benefit too. And
25:55
currently our governments have woken up
25:58
to AI's existential risk. But
26:00
they're neglecting its enormous economic
26:02
and political risks. And
26:04
it's not obvious we should be much happier
26:06
about being ruled by big tech CEOs than
26:09
by a runaway AI. So
26:11
citizens of democracies, we
26:13
have the right and the power to
26:15
ask our governments to look past the
26:18
short-term costs of regulating AI to our
26:20
long-run welfare, and to make sure that
26:22
the resulting prosperity is truly shared. And
26:24
we need shared prosperity not just for
26:26
its own sake. Although who wouldn't
26:28
want to feel a little richer, we
26:30
need it because without inclusive economic growth,
26:32
it's hard to achieve the other things
26:34
that we care about, from security to
26:36
solidarity. It's no coincidence
26:38
that richer, more equal countries tend to
26:41
have lower crime, or that they're better
26:43
able to support effective public education and
26:45
health systems. And most
26:47
critically of all, prosperity goes hand
26:50
in hand with effective democracy. Richer
26:53
countries are more likely to become and
26:55
stay democratic. When there's more to go
26:57
around, it just gets easier to address
26:59
the trade-offs that we need to make
27:02
in functioning democracies, for the
27:04
fortunate to support the unfortunate and for
27:06
deals to get cut. Economic
27:09
stagnation, by contrast. Well, that
27:11
just makes every decision harder.
27:13
Dissatisfaction with the economy spills
27:15
over to distrust of politics.
27:18
Populists, trounced mainstream parties, rule
27:20
breakers, denounced rule makers, and
27:22
disagreement becomes chaos. So
27:25
democracy and prosperity go hand
27:27
in hand. And
27:30
the central role of democracy in
27:32
underpinning America's prosperity was best described
27:34
by another, I have to say
27:36
rather more famous European political scientist,
27:38
Alexis de Tocqueville, who traveled
27:41
across America two centuries ago. So that
27:43
means at least he avoided the Greyhound,
27:45
though possibly not the cockroaches. For
27:48
Tocqueville, America's capitalist energy, its
27:51
equality, and its democracy were
27:53
inseparable. But he
27:56
too warned that the vast inequalities created
27:58
by the technology of history. growth,
30:00
not just on fossil fuels alone. I mean,
30:03
ultimately, the value of goods that we buy
30:05
and sell to one another isn't determined by
30:07
the amount of carbon in them alone. They're
30:09
determined by how much we want those goods.
30:12
We live in countries with giant service sector
30:14
economies. So I don't think that
30:16
slowing down our use of carbon-emitting
30:18
energy dooms us to this kind
30:21
of 0% growth forever. And
30:25
it would be very unfortunate if people got
30:27
that idea in their head that there was
30:29
this pure trade-off between controlling climate change and
30:31
having any money to go around. OK. Right.
30:35
Let us open this up to you. And when you ask your
30:37
question, if you can say who you are and if you represent
30:39
an organization, what that might be. Thank
30:41
you. Nathaniel Smith, I'm with the
30:44
Partnership for Southern Equity based in Atlanta.
30:46
Two quick questions. One,
30:49
do you think our economic system
30:51
is actually designed to facilitate shared
30:53
prosperity? And then the second question
30:55
is, can we truly realize
30:57
shared prosperity without a multiracial democracy? I
31:00
know you talked about a liberal democracy.
31:02
I mean, in the South and in
31:04
the US, we're fighting in other places
31:06
around the world, we're fighting for
31:08
a multiracial democracy. Do you think that shared
31:10
prosperity can be realized without that? Let
31:14
me start with the first question.
31:16
So there's a fundamental
31:18
tension at the heart of the system that
31:20
has been most successful in creating prosperity in
31:22
the world, which is that it's a mix
31:25
of capitalist, broadly capitalist economic
31:27
system, which is going to lead
31:29
to concentration in wealth, and
31:32
an egalitarian political system, democracy, that spreads
31:34
out political power. And that tension is
31:36
the world that we all live in.
31:38
That's what all of our politics is
31:40
about. So that is
31:42
to say, capitalism under some kind of
31:44
democratic restraint is how we all got
31:47
rich. And I think the
31:49
experience of countries that abandoned capitalism
31:51
in the latter half of the 20th century
31:53
was neither one ended up
31:55
producing sustainable growth, or one that gave
31:58
people the liberties and freedoms. that
32:00
we all cherish, right? So our
32:02
system is imperfect, and it's imperfect because it's
32:04
always going to be a balance between these
32:06
two forces. But I don't think there's anything
32:09
fundamentally flawed about it, as long as
32:11
we as citizens exert our
32:13
democratic rights along with our economic
32:15
rights. So the question
32:17
about whether multiracial democracy and liberal
32:20
democracy go hand in hand, I
32:22
mean, American liberal democracy has had
32:25
a tortured and tortuous history with
32:27
providing racially equal rights that
32:29
did not end just in 1964 and 1965,
32:31
although clearly that was a
32:35
threshold moment. It's
32:37
always going to be difficult to
32:40
have equal voice when
32:42
people want to exclude others by
32:44
virtue of their skin color or
32:46
indeed their creed or language or
32:48
religion from equal political power. If
32:51
they want to find a way to dilute the votes of some
32:53
people, and of course in
32:55
American politics that has been a fundamental theme
32:57
for centuries, I don't think that
33:00
the fundamental strength of American liberal
33:02
democracy, its separation of powers, federalism,
33:07
the importance of judicial review
33:09
are bad things that prevent
33:11
that. American liberal democracy
33:13
has great strength in encouraging a multiracial
33:15
democracy. Would I say it is a
33:17
perfect union yet? Or maybe not? Can
33:20
I go back to the questioner, actually? I mean, can you think
33:22
of a better system? Well, the
33:25
assumption was that I was just talking about
33:27
the American, the current economic
33:29
system. I'm talking about the broader economic
33:31
systems around the world. I mean, whether
33:33
it be communism or whether it be
33:36
capitalism or whether it be a
33:38
social, something in the middle. I
33:40
mean, I think that we need to fundamentally
33:42
take a step back and think about what
33:45
does a democracy look like that looks
33:47
at everyone as valuable. But
33:50
you've been thinking about it. So you step
33:52
back. Tell me what you're thinking about and
33:54
what you know. I mean, I've definitely
33:56
been blessed to be from a
33:58
place called Atlanta where you talked
34:00
about the Civil Rights Movement. And one
34:03
of the great leaders who came from
34:05
Atlanta was a gentleman by the name of Martin Luther
34:07
King, Jr. And he talked a great
34:09
deal about what he called the beloved
34:12
community, where you could actually
34:14
create a society that was not
34:16
solely based on extraction, or what
34:18
we call extreme extraction, but an
34:20
economy that's built on a reparative
34:22
agenda versus an extractive agenda, right?
34:24
And I think that when
34:27
you talk about climate change and you talk
34:29
about the challenges that we face around climate
34:31
issues, I think that is not just an
34:33
economic problem that we have in our world,
34:35
but a moral problem that we have. And
34:38
so I think that when we try to
34:40
separate those two things, it's difficult
34:42
for us to create an economy that can work for everyone.
34:44
That's my whole point. Very grateful for the
34:46
question. Let's take another question. There's a lady
34:48
there in the middle. My name is Marilynne
34:51
Brown, and I teach at Georgia Tech. I
34:53
teach in the energy and climate field. Once
34:56
upon a time, we're at the mercy of
34:58
the titans of industry. They made the choices
35:00
about what power plants to build and what
35:02
steel mills to run and what cars to
35:04
make and the offerings to
35:07
their markets. But
35:09
in reality, we have control of
35:11
all of that. Consumer choice, there
35:13
have been calculations about how we,
35:15
in fact, as individuals, can move
35:18
the market 60, 70% by
35:20
what we choose to buy. But
35:23
I'm now ratcheting back on
35:25
that argument because we're seeing,
35:27
for instance, that homeownership is
35:29
increasingly no longer accessible
35:31
to so many of today's youth.
35:35
You cannot- So may I ask what the question is
35:37
for Ben? Yeah. So
35:40
we're no longer
35:42
able, for instance, to choose
35:44
to produce our own electricity
35:47
by becoming prosumers because utilities
35:50
will not buy that electricity
35:52
back. So I'm
35:54
wondering what the future of
35:56
prosperity is with respect to
35:58
access to capital. and
36:00
the means of production with respect
36:03
to having control over the climate
36:05
future. Thank you. Okay. Yeah,
36:07
so I think it's fair to say that younger people,
36:10
and I'm glad to see we
36:12
do have some young people in
36:14
this room, has been left out
36:16
of many of the economic freedoms
36:18
that their parents and grandparents enjoyed.
36:20
That particularly relates to home ownership
36:22
because with home ownership gives you
36:24
the stability to generate further wealth,
36:26
and then, as you argued, to
36:28
exercise your wealth and your income
36:30
in choosing products that you want and
36:32
push back against companies. Now, the success of America,
36:34
I mentioned in its democratic
36:37
form, is about a balance of powers, is
36:39
setting groups against one another to make sure
36:41
that there's no preponderance of power in any
36:43
place, and that is just as true for
36:46
the economy. I alluded earlier to Standard Oil,
36:49
and great Republican president of the early 20th
36:51
century, Teddy Roosevelt,
36:53
bust that kind of
36:55
market power, thinking of it as anti-democratic.
36:57
So if we can't exert that power
36:59
ourselves, we even need the government to
37:01
step in directly to bust the
37:04
trusts of today, or we need at
37:06
least to empower people individually to have
37:09
enough shared wealth to be able to
37:11
make those choices themselves as consumers forcing
37:13
companies. Why are you shaking your head, sir? Say who
37:15
you are, first of all, and then why? Explain the
37:17
shake. Yes, my name is Skylar Eakins,
37:19
and I'm with the Atlanta Young Republicans.
37:21
And I have two part questions. The
37:24
reason I'm shaking my head is you
37:26
talk a lot about shared prosperity. In
37:28
my mind, I'm thinking of the movement
37:30
for equity, right? Everyone talks
37:32
about equity. We're constantly using that
37:34
word. Who determines what
37:38
equity is? Who gets the power?
37:40
Who gets the resources? And
37:42
why are they qualified to determine
37:44
that? The second part of my
37:47
question, and why I'm a skeptic,
37:49
is talk about climate change. It's
37:51
a very privileged question, because half
37:53
of the world's population lives in
37:55
China and India, and thousands
37:57
of people lost their job because of the
37:59
key Stone XL pipeline here in the
38:01
United States. So how do you go
38:03
to Rule Appalachia where there are very
38:06
poor people and tell them, hey, I'm
38:08
sorry you just lost your job and
38:10
in 10 years I've got this great
38:12
plan to employ you? Yes. So, well,
38:15
let me begin by saying you're absolutely
38:17
right that that's the core question for
38:19
people who care about reducing carbon emissions
38:21
is what to do about the people
38:23
who are currently producing those carbon emissions,
38:25
many of whom, as you correctly know,
38:27
come from poor backgrounds and
38:29
it would hardly be a shared prosperity
38:31
if that's something you care about to say to
38:33
those people, well, too bad you lose your job,
38:35
but don't worry everyone else will be better off.
38:37
That's been an issue that 20
38:40
years ago when we talked about regulations for
38:42
climate change, that group was largely ignored and
38:44
I think they pushed back and we've seen
38:46
that pushback, right? So that's entirely understandable. I
38:48
think it's really important for politicians to understand
38:50
that climate change policies might be collectively desirable,
38:52
but if there are losers, you need to
38:54
think about what to do about those losers
38:56
and those people have democratic rights to say,
38:59
you know what, I don't want to lose
39:01
my job. To your
39:03
point about energy use abroad, by the way, there
39:05
are going to be lots of these people in
39:07
China and India too, right? So that's a really
39:09
difficult question for those countries. Now, the Chinese response
39:11
might just be to ignore them because they're not
39:13
a democracy and they can, but I don't think
39:15
that's a response we would want here. On
39:18
equity, what I will say
39:20
about that is that the American debate about
39:22
equity and the way it's understood outside of
39:25
America are pretty distinct. So I don't want
39:27
to give you a British person's view of
39:29
how to think about equity because I will
39:31
get it wrong. But when I'm talking about
39:33
a shared prosperity, I'm not necessarily talking about
39:36
redistributing. I'm not talking about reparations per se.
39:38
I'm just talking about making sure that when
39:40
there's new growth, it's
39:42
not solely pertaining to a small
39:45
group of individuals who happen to
39:47
run companies. And I
39:49
think that's something that broadly most people agree
39:51
on. We don't want a robber baron society.
39:53
Exactly what the government's role should be in
39:55
that is a complicated and difficult political question.
39:58
Okay, but what's the answer? algorithms,
42:00
they don't know what the truth is.
42:02
And that's why they're really good if
42:04
you want to have the Declaration of
42:06
Independence done like a Michael Jackson song.
42:08
They can do that. But they
42:10
don't know who Michael Jackson is or
42:13
what the Declaration of Independence was. And so
42:15
we'll just get lots of things that look
42:17
truthy but are very far from the truth.
42:20
A woman there. Let's take you. Hi, I'm
42:22
Chelsea Graves from the Sandman School of International
42:24
Affairs at Georgia Tech. My question for you
42:27
is how can we
42:29
use our agency to incentivize AI companies
42:31
to add more context to their devices
42:33
that they so desperately need, as you
42:36
shared with us today? Thank you.
42:38
Yeah, thank you. That's a really, really important
42:40
question. It's going to be extremely hard for
42:42
us to do. So I had a
42:45
look at the White House issued
42:47
a set of views about
42:49
artificial intelligence regulation. 95%
42:52
of those were about existential threat. Maybe that's
42:54
a bit strong. They were
42:56
about making sure that
42:59
we retain control and basically that
43:01
Skynet doesn't end up lasering
43:03
us to death. Or they
43:05
were about preventing algorithmic injustice.
43:07
And that's an important point, making sure
43:09
that computer doesn't say no just to
43:11
some groups rather than others. I think
43:13
we'd all agree we wouldn't want that.
43:15
But there was much, much less about
43:19
the day-to-day distortion
43:21
of politics and
43:23
the risks to people economic
43:26
livelihoods of AI. And I
43:28
think those are classic political
43:31
questions that we usually resolve
43:33
through our democratic agency. The
43:36
US has media regulation. The
43:38
UK has media regulation. We have
43:40
fairness rules. We have some impartiality
43:43
rules. And those are so
43:45
much harder for us to employ on
43:47
social media. So what that
43:49
agenda looks like is not for me
43:51
to say. I mean, that's me punting
43:53
again. But it also surprises me that
43:55
we're not seeing political parties talk about
43:58
these core questions that are going to... determined
48:00
the outcomes of all of Georgia, which
48:02
you have, Georgia's an agricultural state. You
48:05
know, that's not going to, you know, the,
48:07
the, I'm sorry, but the
48:09
policies of those bigger cities are not going
48:11
to be representative of the state as a
48:14
whole. So I guess the question I
48:16
would have is, do you think the vote of
48:18
someone in an agricultural district should be worth more
48:20
or less or the same as someone in
48:22
the urban area? Okay. Do
48:24
you want to come back on that? It's about not, it's
48:27
about overriding votes. Okay. So
48:30
what I would say is if you had
48:32
the popular vote in its entirety, then the
48:34
vote of somebody in a rural district of
48:36
Georgia and the vote of somebody in
48:38
the center of Atlanta and the vote of someone in a
48:40
rural district in Wyoming and the vote of someone in New
48:43
York City would all count exactly the same. Now
48:46
then you're just in the world of
48:48
majority rule and you know, you can
48:50
argue that majority rule is unfortunate for
48:52
minority who always lose. Absolutely.
48:56
I think if you believe in one person, one vote,
48:58
it becomes hard to come up with complicated ways of
49:00
kind of tweaking things so that some groups get represented
49:02
more than other because they live in a rural area
49:05
or an urban area. I guess in my view, those
49:07
votes should count exactly the same. Okay. Can
49:10
I just say that that's your question, translated
49:12
the headshakes into sound. Now who wants to
49:14
respond to the point that was made? I
49:16
mean, you all made, you made noises. Now
49:18
put your hand up if you'd like to
49:20
respond. DJ Terry, I am, I grew
49:23
up on the west side of Atlanta, 2019 graduate of
49:25
this grade. I'm a very institution from public policy and
49:28
the vice president of the young Democrats of
49:30
Atlanta. So my question is, if you're
49:35
not, if you're, if you're not familiar, actually
49:38
the Georgia legislature
49:41
is going into special session to redraw the
49:44
district maps for it because they have to
49:46
add majority black districts because the federal
49:48
government ruled that the districts were not equitable.
49:51
Could you talk a little bit about why
49:53
equitable ballot access, for example, in Mississippi, we
49:55
saw in the previous election where there was
49:57
difficulty with constituents being able to get. access
50:00
to the ballot box. Could you talk a
50:02
little bit about why equitable ballot access is
50:04
important to the future of prosperity? Like
50:07
I just said in answer to the last
50:09
question, I firmly believe that everybody should have
50:12
their votes weighted equally to
50:14
one another. Electoral systems are tough when they're trying to
50:16
represent geographies as well. So I know that we're in
50:18
an imperfect world, but we want to get as close
50:21
as we can to that. But I do think that
50:23
a weakness of the American democratic
50:26
policy is that electoral rules are
50:28
so different from state to state,
50:30
right? And then everybody wants to game
50:32
the rules, right? So, you
50:34
know, if I were to come up with
50:36
a constitutional amendment and states rights people would
50:38
hate me for this, it would be, could
50:40
we please have a similar set of electoral
50:43
voting procedures across all states
50:45
in federal elections? That's not a good
50:47
states rights argument, but I think it
50:49
is an argument about making all Americans
50:51
count equally in the voting process. Thank
50:54
you very much. That scared out fast.
50:56
Thank you. Now my question is going to take us back. You
50:58
need to say who you are. All of you. Remember
51:01
these words. Say who you are. The
51:04
copy of one joke, Spelman College and
51:06
the West Atlanta Watershed Alliance here in
51:08
Atlanta. I want you to
51:11
comment on your thoughts about this concept
51:13
of a just transition. And if that
51:15
is one strategy that can help us
51:17
get to this shared prosperity, if
51:20
we can, you know, dial back
51:22
the use of fossil fuels and
51:24
those industries associated with them, but
51:26
then to retrain that same workforce
51:29
to have other jobs that are moving us
51:31
toward a cleaner energy future, your thoughts
51:33
on whether or not that might be effective.
51:35
Yeah. So this is a common strategy in
51:37
America and in Europe. In Europe, it's sort
51:39
of called the Green New Deal.
51:42
These are giant, giant government
51:45
investment programs designed to try
51:47
and shift industrial production in
51:49
quite a directed and strategic
51:51
fashion towards producing renewable energy
51:54
and ideally buying off people in fossil fuel industries.
51:56
This is big government, right? And so I can
51:58
see where people who don't. like lots of tax
52:00
and spending would disapprove of this because they are very,
52:03
very large in nature. But I think
52:05
the argument that people who support them have
52:08
is what you might call a supply side liberalism.
52:10
That's a phrase that Ezra Klein uses,
52:12
which is that some types of reforms
52:14
are just about making sure we have
52:16
enough stuff and the stuff we need
52:18
in this case are ways
52:20
of producing energy that don't force us to
52:23
rely on fossil fuels anymore. And
52:26
in a world where companies aren't yet providing
52:28
themselves, I guess the idea is that the
52:30
government incentivizes them to do that and can
52:33
channel that in ways that it views as
52:35
just. Now, of course, that then is a
52:37
big political question, right? Because one man's just
52:39
is another man's waste. But I
52:41
do think that's what our politics is going
52:43
to look like actually over the next 10
52:45
years because these are going to be the
52:47
industries of tomorrow and America will not want
52:49
to be buying all of their electrical vehicles
52:51
and batteries and wind turbines from China. Good
52:54
evening. Good evening. My name
52:56
is Jennifer Schlatt. I'm a member of ACIR
52:59
and I'm a graduate student in
53:01
international relations. Just had a quick
53:03
concern about artificial intelligence. Do
53:05
you predict any biases with
53:08
the further increase of artificial intelligence
53:10
over time? Because we have these
53:12
programmers who develop the technology and
53:14
they could possibly manipulate the technology
53:18
how they want and it could possibly
53:20
cause misinformation or something to
53:22
that effect and affect future prosperity. So
53:24
the worry I have is not necessarily
53:27
that people will deliberately inject
53:30
bias into how the
53:32
algorithms work. The problem
53:34
is that the information that we feed
53:36
into artificial intelligence algorithms is contentless from
53:38
the perspective of those algorithms. They don't
53:40
know what it is, right? And
53:43
that means that AI can produce outcomes that
53:46
none of us using our common sense would
53:48
ever think of as realistic at all. Plus,
53:50
there's an even worse problem. If AI is
53:52
producing all of the output that we see
53:55
in the media, then the AI is training
53:57
itself on itself, right?
54:00
And that is the bias that I'm
54:02
worried about, a kind of continued spiral
54:04
of computers picking up other things produced
54:06
by computers to produce more information that
54:08
just gets used by other computers, locking
54:10
us out of the information that
54:12
is ours and that we produce and that we care about. Thank
54:15
you. And the question from the gentleman there.
54:17
Hi, I'm Richard Barrack from the School of
54:19
Public Policy at Georgia Tech. You began by
54:21
talking about short-termism, and that clearly is a
54:23
problem in the United States, but also in
54:25
other countries. It's not totally descriptive.
54:28
I mean, there are plenty of counter-examples. The
54:30
American Constitution, the National Park Service, the
54:33
Inflation Reduction Act. I had long time
54:35
horizons. But my question is,
54:37
is this a uniquely American phenomenon? Have
54:39
other nations overcome short-termism? And if so,
54:41
please tell us how. Yeah,
54:44
what you need to do is reform all of your political
54:46
institutions, but don't be like the UK, where we have
54:48
the same electoral institutions as you, but no federalism. So
54:50
if the government gets into power, they can just change
54:52
whatever they want. So that gives you even more extreme
54:55
short-termism. Look, I do
54:58
think countries that have
55:00
coalition governments tend to make longer run policy.
55:02
And the reason they do is because you
55:04
don't have this kind of volatile back and
55:06
forth. Basically, there are always some
55:08
parties that kind of get in the coalition
55:10
and they keep policies going. Now, that can
55:12
lead to kind of gradualism. It can lead
55:14
to gridlock. It can lead to the inability
55:16
to change, right? And those are bad things
55:19
too, right? So there's no perfect system. But
55:21
I suppose what I would ask for Americans to
55:24
do is to not view
55:26
long run, non-democratic government
55:28
institutions that make decisions as necessarily
55:30
bad, right? Sometimes you need entities
55:33
that aren't just affected by electoral
55:35
swings all the time, because otherwise
55:37
the only thing that drives any
55:39
decision making is a two
55:42
year congressional election cycle. Now,
55:44
final for me, I think, you've
55:47
described over this series a world that seems like
55:49
a pretty, sometimes conflicted
55:51
and dangerous place. And you
55:53
began the series by saying you were an optimist. What
55:56
are your grounds for optimism at the end
55:58
of this week's series now? In
56:00
the very grand scheme of things, I
56:03
think we should all be optimists. We live
56:05
in a world where we are
56:07
so much richer than our great-grandparents,
56:09
where we have democratic freedoms that
56:11
they lacked, especially lots of people
56:13
in this room whose parents lacked
56:15
voting rights not so long ago.
56:18
Have we got to where we
56:20
want to be yet? How will our children
56:22
and great-grandchildren feel about where we were? Well,
56:25
they will probably think that we were imperfect
56:27
too, but then that means presumably that we're
56:29
going somewhere. I
56:31
do think that the nature of some of
56:33
the challenges that we face are existential, but
56:35
that was also true for our parents and
56:37
great-grandparents because of the atomic bomb. So
56:40
humans have always found ways to make our
56:43
lives difficult, but we've always found
56:45
ways to respond to the difficulties that we've
56:47
created, like a teenager finally clearing up their
56:49
room. It's a perfect
56:52
answer to a final question. But
56:54
listen, this concludes the series of
56:56
Wreath lectures on our democratic future.
56:59
We really hope you've enjoyed listening.
57:01
Certainly, so much to think about, Ben.
57:03
Thank you. If you want to know
57:06
more, please go to the Wreath website
57:08
for a huge archive of the series,
57:10
transcripts, much, much more. But
57:12
for now, a huge thanks to our hosts
57:14
here in Georgia Tech, in Atlanta, and
57:17
a very special thanks to you, Professor
57:19
Ben Amsell, the BBC's 2023 Wreath Lecture.
57:38
To know what it means to be
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Roman, you need to look beyond the
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switching gladiators. There are fresh
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