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0:00
From The Nation
0:03
magazine, this is Start
0:06
Making Sense. I'm
0:11
John Wiener. Later in the show,
0:14
a question about Hamas. Why
0:16
did they decide to provoke
0:18
massive Israeli retaliation now?
0:21
Hussein Ibish, who writes for The Atlantic,
0:23
The New York Times, and The Daily
0:25
Beast, says Hamas had a clear political
0:27
goal on October 7 to
0:30
defeat the Palestinian secular nationalist
0:32
Afata in the PLO. He'll
0:35
explain later in the show. But
0:38
first, the issues and the
0:40
language that win for Democrats. Fazkar
0:42
Sunkara will comment in a
0:44
minute. Who
0:47
loves Aunt Millie's bread? Commuters who are
0:49
running late. And the cops that pull
0:51
them over. Tired parents who live for
0:54
nap time. And energetic
0:56
kiddos who don't. Early birds
0:58
and night owls, teacher's pets and day
1:00
dreamers, the home team and their fans
1:02
that know this is our year. And
1:05
anyone who loves the freshest
1:07
bread delivered daily to Columbus'
1:10
favorite grocers. Because no matter
1:12
where life takes you, Aunt Millie's brings you
1:14
closer to home. Which
1:18
issues work best for Democratic candidates?
1:20
For that, we turn to Fazkar
1:22
Sunkara. He is president of The
1:24
Nation, founding editor of Jacobin, and
1:26
author of the book The Socialist
1:28
Manifesto. He's also been a columnist
1:30
for the Guardian US edition. He's
1:32
written for The New York Times,
1:34
The Washington Post, lots of other
1:37
places. Fazkar, welcome back. Thanks
1:39
for having me. Will you report in
1:41
The Guardian on a new study
1:43
from the Center for Working Class
1:45
Politics of all the Democratic candidates
1:47
for the House and Senate who
1:49
ran in the 2022 midterm elections?
1:53
Almost a thousand of them. Researchers
1:56
for the Center read all their
1:58
websites, records of all their The
2:00
talks to identify the seems,
2:02
the issues, the words the
2:04
candidates use. The. Principal finding
2:06
was not really surprising:
2:09
Democratic candidates running on
2:11
progressive economic issues like
2:13
building infrastructure, resurrecting manufacturing,
2:15
creating jobs, or more
2:17
successful than candidates who
2:19
didn't, especially in white
2:21
working class districts are,
2:24
as you put it
2:26
in the Guardian. Democrats.
2:28
Who attack the rich? do better in
2:31
a lessons. With you
2:33
pointed out a more significant
2:35
than less obvious finding, how
2:37
often do democratic candidates attacks
2:39
Or it's. Less than
2:42
ten percent of the democratic
2:44
candidates are mentioned: Billionaires. Millionaires,
2:48
Last. Read: or the one
2:50
percent or any sort of anti
2:52
weed, so populist rhetoric. Next.
2:55
Question: what proportion of
2:57
democratic candidates came from
3:00
actual working class backgrounds
3:02
themselves? We found that
3:04
only two point three percent of the
3:07
candid we looked at had. Primarily.
3:09
Words are fast backgrounds before entering
3:11
politics, so where you're not. I've
3:14
met people who may be had
3:16
I had a few day jobs
3:18
are an embarassment. People who who
3:20
worked for the majority of their
3:23
their working lives and working class.
3:25
Our professions, post office workers teachers
3:27
are not just talking about the
3:29
manual industrial working class. I'm no
3:32
Differences are a small fraction of
3:34
the Democratic Party tenants. When.
3:36
It comes to democrats attacking the
3:38
rich. There's one historic example of
3:41
a democrat who won a lot
3:43
of by attacking the rich. Reminds
3:46
us, please. bernie sanders
3:48
obviously is be a success
3:50
as example that we have
3:52
on the last of a
3:54
candid back had the perfect
3:56
sort of message discipline that
3:58
talked about bread and butter
4:00
issues and that simplified all
4:02
the complexities of the left-wing
4:04
worldview into a digestible message
4:06
that resonated with millions of
4:08
owners, not just Democrats, but
4:10
independents and even some Republicans.
4:13
And if we go back to the 30s, there's
4:16
a very significant example of a
4:18
Democrat who attacked the rich. Of
4:21
course, and in the article, I
4:23
discussed Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who obviously
4:27
the cousin of a former
4:29
president, he's the
4:31
offspring of two important, powerful, wealthy
4:34
New York families, but he became
4:36
the Tribune of Economic Populism in
4:38
the 1930s. And
4:40
he figured out that the way
4:43
to rebuild the country was to
4:45
mobilize the social base to speak
4:47
to this emerging and increasingly more
4:50
important industrial working class that
4:52
was locked out of politics and to
4:54
try to represent their interests. And he
4:56
managed to do it. And obviously he
4:59
managed to combine some of the most
5:01
important achievements of our
5:03
threadbare welfare state. We
5:05
got that in the 1930s because
5:08
I think Roosevelt realized that he not only needed
5:10
a rhetoric to make a win elections, which
5:12
of course is important, but in
5:14
order to turn politics
5:16
into real policy, into real
5:19
change, he needed a social
5:21
base. He had
5:23
an especially memorable line that you quoted.
5:25
He was talking about what he called
5:27
organized money. And he said, they
5:30
are unanimous in their hatred for me. And
5:32
what did he say about that? He
5:34
said, and I welcome their hatred. I
5:37
welcome their hatred. You don't hear that
5:39
sort of thing from Democrats today, except
5:42
maybe from Bernie and a few members
5:44
of the squad. And
5:46
to be honest, you sometimes do hear
5:48
it from President Biden. I think President
5:50
Biden at his best, at his most
5:52
vigorous during the campaign, almost
5:54
like Bernie Sanders spoke in this
5:57
older sort of democratic.
6:00
party parlance. And it's not that Biden
6:02
was a progressive. He's always been on
6:04
the center, even center right of the
6:06
Democratic Party. But he came from
6:08
this older generation of
6:10
Democratic Party politicians. So he runs
6:12
for his first seat. He becomes
6:14
a senator in the early 1970s.
6:18
So he encounters a Democratic
6:20
Party. He's forced to win
6:22
over unions. He's forced to win
6:24
over progressive constituencies that have been sidelined
6:27
ever since then the Democratic Party. So
6:30
I think that he kind of knew how to speak
6:32
to working class people in a certain way. And he
6:34
knew how to speak in a
6:36
way that didn't seem elitist, that didn't
6:38
seem alienating. He knew how to turn
6:40
it on at times. And obviously, besides
6:43
for some really positive things he's done with the
6:46
National Labor Relations Board appointees
6:48
and other things, he could say that he
6:51
didn't follow through with his pledges to
6:53
organize labor. But you could hear some
6:55
of that in his rhetoric. You hear
6:57
that he was kind of a weapon against class
6:59
the alignment, at least compared to the neo
7:02
sort of new Democrat rhetoric of
7:04
Clinton, compared to these other Democratic
7:06
politicians who were very keen to
7:09
lean into just professional class
7:11
voters and suburbs, and
7:14
that sort of rhetoric to defeat Trump. You
7:16
saw some of this in
7:18
Biden, but the party as a whole, even
7:21
when they're offering far better policies
7:23
for working class people. And I
7:26
have no complaint about saying that
7:28
I'll gladly vote for it. 99.9%
7:30
of Democratic Party candidates when they
7:33
alternative to them on ballots is
7:35
Republicans. But they're still
7:37
associated with professional class
7:39
politics, for lack of a better word.
7:42
They're seen more and more as the
7:44
party of the Ivy League, the party
7:46
of vaguely construed
7:49
elites. And obviously, some of this
7:51
is unfair. I just want to
7:53
look at some of the findings of
7:55
this study. Candidates spend
7:57
most of their money on TV.
8:00
They raised millions of dollars and they
8:02
spent it on TV ads, which we
8:04
think don't really succeed in convincing people
8:06
to vote for them. But the study
8:08
of the center found that just 30%
8:10
of TV ads released in 2022 by
8:12
Democratic candidates
8:16
in competitive districts focused
8:18
primarily on bread and butter
8:20
economic issues. Only
8:23
18% of TV ads said anything at
8:25
all about jobs. Less than
8:27
2% talked about the need for high
8:29
quality, good paying jobs
8:32
or unionized jobs. So it's
8:34
an obvious question here. Why don't
8:37
more Democratic candidates talk
8:39
about populist economic issues?
8:41
Why don't they attack
8:43
billionaires, millionaires, the 1%?
8:47
Yeah, I think that part of it
8:49
is this idea that Democrats need to
8:51
cast a wide as possible net to
8:53
resist Trump. And then
8:56
casting this wide net means
8:58
talking about Trump's extremism, Republican
9:00
extremism, their individual
9:02
qualities as candidates, or
9:04
issues like abortion, which of course are very important issues.
9:08
But I think there's a lack of
9:10
a willingness to focus and say
9:12
that, well, actually the most important
9:14
thing that motivates voters is going
9:16
to be their pocketbooks, is going
9:18
to be jobs. I
9:20
think there was an attempt to almost
9:23
pivot away from the economy and to
9:25
discuss other issues. And Bernie
9:27
Sanders himself brought this up in a column
9:29
in The Guardian that he was attacked for
9:31
by saying that Democrats can't forget to foreground
9:34
bread and butter issues and we can't
9:37
just run as a party of abortion
9:39
rights, even though of course that is
9:41
a major positive differentiator between Democrats and
9:43
Republicans. And if you look at the
9:46
survey, it's not just that only
9:48
18% of ads talked about jobs.
9:52
The survey said around 5% or a little bit
9:54
less than 5% Of
9:56
ads invoked Billionaires or the Rich
9:58
or Wall Street. A big
10:00
corporations are price gouging South Even
10:03
fewer of the ads had any
10:05
sort of class warfare rhetoric. And
10:07
again, I'm not saying that the
10:10
Democratic Party cigar around and and
10:12
sound overnight like the Socialist Party,
10:14
but at the very least, invoking
10:16
this kind of Str economic populist
10:19
rhetoric should be a common sense
10:21
for a left of center party
10:23
that has any interest to portray
10:25
himself as a party of the
10:28
opposition to the establishment. I
10:30
was surprised to see that so few
10:32
of the democratic Tvs talks about Chance.
10:34
I thought. Every. Candidate talks
10:37
about Jobs has Jobs on their
10:39
website. Trump talks about Jobs. So
10:41
it's not just that he should
10:43
talk about jobs. it's how you
10:45
proposes to create jobs and that's
10:48
where the big difference is that
10:50
Democrats need to emphasize. Part.
10:52
Of it as every kind of course
10:54
were mentioned jobs and maybe a stump
10:57
speech on occasion or will have a
10:59
little effect on our side and will
11:01
be part of their platform. A lot
11:03
of these candidates I stand for very
11:06
good things. many them stand for things
11:08
that the act they could really possibly
11:10
transform our American labor might. I think
11:13
this is where we understand what candidates
11:15
are willing to foreground what they want
11:17
to make the canopy about and as
11:19
a whole and again you're seeing that
11:22
that. Jobs or something that that are
11:24
mentioned been of an even when democrats
11:26
wanted to run on and Twenty Twenty
11:28
Two and of course they made some
11:30
games and Twenty Twenty Two psi they
11:32
that might be learning some wrong lessons
11:34
in the meet up to this coming
11:36
presidential election. And of course with. Cats
11:42
are the best way to create jobs.
11:44
We don't think that's right. Yes,
11:46
Of course I'm You know there's
11:48
this is republicans have managed to
11:50
mind as anti establishment rhetoric offered
11:53
in framed as anti book writer
11:55
at him as. working class
11:57
as acts and obviously tied it too
12:00
anti-war-class politics, to the politics of
12:02
redistribution from the poor to the
12:04
rich, but that's all the more
12:06
reason why Democrats need to respond
12:08
with their own fire. People want
12:10
an outlet for some of their
12:12
frustrations. And if we don't correctly
12:14
identify millionaires and billionaires as an
12:16
outlet for that frustration, it's going
12:19
to naturally fall to racial minorities
12:21
and immigrants and all the other
12:23
scapegoats that the Republican right will
12:25
conjure. There was
12:27
one other thing that was not highlighted
12:30
in either the report that you
12:32
cited or in your piece, which
12:36
I thought was also pretty significant.
12:38
There are dozens of topics that
12:40
millions of Americans think define
12:43
today's Democratic Party. Defund
12:45
the police, open borders.
12:48
How many Democratic candidates did
12:50
your study find
12:52
said anything about
12:55
defunding the police or
12:57
open borders? Yeah, so
12:59
our study found that very
13:01
few Democrats actually
13:04
were running on, is
13:06
kind of for lack of a better word, woke
13:09
or if you want to call
13:12
it progressive, cultural rhetoric terms, very,
13:14
very few. I don't have
13:16
the exact figures around me. I, as far
13:18
as I know, the defund the police amount
13:21
was zero and open borders was pretty close
13:23
to zero. Many
13:25
more candidates, almost all of them ran
13:28
on abortion and then
13:30
there was other mentions of LGBT
13:32
issues and support for
13:34
undocumented immigrants and their rights.
13:38
But in general, candidates didn't
13:40
really campaign on polarizing
13:42
cultural rhetoric. Yeah, so
13:44
then the big question
13:46
is how have the
13:49
Democrats become so closely identified with
13:51
defund the police and open the
13:53
borders? One, there was
13:55
a period where we have to be honest that at least
13:57
when it comes to defund the police, this was... a
14:00
demand that was embraced in various
14:02
forms by certain progressive candidates. And
14:04
I personally don't think
14:07
it was a positive response to
14:09
a real crisis, crisis of
14:11
not only police violence, but also crises of
14:13
crime and insecurity that we have in the
14:16
country. I don't think the solution is
14:19
a carceral solution, but I think it kind
14:21
of smacked as a sort of denialism
14:24
that America can be a
14:26
normal, well-functioning social democratic society
14:28
in which we have accountable
14:30
police that are well-trained and well-funded,
14:33
but also don't commit violence against
14:35
innocent people. And we could
14:37
have a social safety net that helps
14:39
create the sort of environment and good
14:41
jobs, create the environments in which ordinary
14:43
people don't fall victim to
14:45
crime and can in confidence be in the
14:47
public sphere. So I think first of all,
14:49
it's worth acknowledging that this really did happen.
14:51
I think a lot of Democrats embraced
14:54
this rhetoric, at least a strong minority of
14:56
them embraced this rhetoric. Especially
15:00
in city council races,
15:02
I know in Minneapolis, this was a
15:04
big issue in LA. There were three
15:07
city council candidates who ran on a
15:10
variety of defund the police. I
15:12
don't think it was more than about
15:14
5% of candidates for the
15:16
House or the Senate. Yeah, I think
15:19
by the time that the races came
15:21
around in 2020, I think the moment
15:23
had changed. I don't have the
15:25
figures in front of me. I would guess that
15:27
maybe 10, 15%
15:29
again, this is a guess, might
15:32
have embraced the rhetoric at one point or
15:34
the other in the summer of 2020. This
15:37
is all to say that even though the
15:39
study found that no one's running on it
15:41
in 2022, doesn't mean that this was all
15:43
conjured as a right-wing lie. And there
15:46
are people who honestly believe
15:48
in defunding the police. I
15:51
don't use the rhetoric of open borders but I'm
15:53
in favor of really liberalizing
15:55
our immigration regime with
15:58
checks and processing but
16:00
a much more radical liberalization than I think
16:03
a lot of Americans today would be comfortable
16:05
with. But I think the
16:07
association wasn't conjured out of anywhere. I
16:09
think one of the reasons why it's sticking
16:11
is because Republicans, of course, have found that
16:13
that's one place where
16:15
Democrats are particularly vulnerable.
16:17
But I think also the Democrats haven't
16:20
really switched the narrative by
16:22
saying, no, what defines me
16:24
as a Democrat is about
16:26
my belief that organized
16:28
money, to use the language you
16:30
summoned before from FDR, that organized
16:33
money shouldn't run government, that
16:35
government needs to be run by
16:37
the people in a democratic way.
16:40
And that means finding ways to
16:42
control the wealth and power of
16:44
billionaires and large corporations. I think
16:47
that's the main thing that defines
16:49
a Democrat. Along with that comes
16:51
other egalitarian priorities, like, for
16:53
example, our quest for racial justice, like
16:55
our quest for reproductive rights
16:58
for women, and so on. But
17:01
I think that without this clarity, it
17:04
becomes very easy for the right to
17:06
redefine what it means to be a
17:08
progressive in America, or even more broadly,
17:10
what it means to be a Democrat
17:12
in America. Basquiat
17:14
Shinkara, his article, Democrats Who
17:16
Attack the Rich Do Better
17:19
in Elections, co-authored by
17:21
Jared Abbott, appeared in The
17:23
Guardian. Thank you, Basgar. Thanks
17:26
so much. Appreciate it. We
17:41
have a question about Hamas. Why
17:44
did they decide to provoke
17:46
a massive Israeli response now?
17:49
For comment, we turn to Hussein Ibbesh. He's
17:52
a senior resident scholar at the
17:54
Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington.
17:57
He's written for The Atlantic, The
17:59
Daily Beast. the New Republic and
18:01
the New York Times, and he's appeared
18:03
widely on the network news shows. Hussein
18:05
Amish, welcome to the program. Great
18:07
to be with you, Joe. Thank you. A
18:10
near universal assumption is that Hamas
18:12
viewed its surprise attack on October
18:14
7th as the
18:16
opening to another phase in a
18:19
long-term war against Israel. You say
18:21
there's some truth to that, but
18:23
there's a different reason that explains
18:25
why they did it now.
18:27
Please explain. Of
18:30
course, Hamas does see itself in
18:32
a long-term war with Israel, although the
18:34
contours of that are to
18:37
be defined over time. But I
18:40
think the reason for the
18:43
October 7 attack, the
18:45
timing of it, the nature of it, and
18:48
virtually all of its specific
18:50
contours and attributes were
18:52
shaped not by the
18:55
Palestinian-Israeli relationship or the
18:57
Hamas-Israeli relationship, but rather
18:59
by internal Palestinian power
19:01
struggle, by internal Palestinian
19:04
power dynamics, and a
19:06
kind of a partisan
19:08
competition between Hamas
19:11
and the secular nationalists in Fatah.
19:14
Hamas was founded in 1987 during
19:17
the crucible of the first
19:19
Intifada, the first uprising
19:22
by ordinary Palestinians against
19:24
Israeli military rule, where
19:26
there was a kind of vacuum of
19:29
leadership. And at the time,
19:31
it was left-wing grassroots
19:33
committees that were directing
19:36
the uprising. And then the PLO,
19:39
which was kind of the secular
19:41
nationalist organization, began to claw back
19:43
control of the movement. But there
19:45
was an opening, and the Muslim
19:48
Brotherhood in Gaza founded Hamas with
19:50
the founding directive of trying
19:52
to marginalize the secular
19:55
nationalists, take over the national
19:57
movement, and make the Palestinian
19:59
cause. in the long run, an
20:01
Islamist one run by them. And
20:04
that has never changed. They've made a lot
20:06
of progress over the decades in
20:09
getting there, but they still don't have
20:11
control of the national movement. They are
20:13
in control of Gaza, but
20:15
not of area A in the West
20:17
Bank, which is the sort of prime
20:19
real estate under Palestinian control. And
20:22
more importantly, they don't control or even
20:24
belong to the PLO. The
20:27
opinion polls show that this
20:29
Hamas strategy worked for
20:31
a while after October 7th to
20:33
dramatically increase support for Hamas among
20:36
Palestinians, both in Gaza and in
20:38
the West Bank, and to weaken
20:41
Hamas's rival, as you have said,
20:43
Fatah and the Palestinian Authority. But
20:46
you say things are changing now in this
20:49
power struggle within the Palestinian
20:51
movement. You wrote recently about
20:53
what you called a mood
20:55
shift among Palestinians. Tell us
20:57
about that. Yeah, I
21:00
think you are starting to see a mood
21:02
shift. And there are a number
21:04
of pieces of evidence for it. One
21:06
is there's a lot more grumbling
21:09
coming out of Gaza about Hamas,
21:11
about what did they do to
21:14
us, about what on earth did
21:16
they mean by this attack? How could they
21:19
play with our lives like that? I
21:23
think after October 7th, it was
21:25
a sentiment that got buried, both
21:28
in terms of public opinion on the
21:30
ground and in terms of what the Fatah
21:32
leaders were like Mahmoud Abbas and others were
21:35
willing to say about Hamas, underneath
21:37
the kind of shared outrage at Israel's
21:40
behavior in Gaza and the kind of
21:42
rally around the flag and national solidarity
21:44
and all that. But over time, what's
21:46
happened is I think the question has
21:48
started to be raised like that. And
21:52
I think after October 7th, it
21:55
was a sentiment that got buried,
21:58
both in terms of public opinion on
22:00
the ground and in terms of what the
22:02
Fatah leaders were like Mahmoud Abbas and others
22:04
were willing to say about Hamas, underneath
22:07
the kind of shared outrage at Israel's
22:10
behavior in Gaza and the kind of
22:12
rally around the flag and national solidarity
22:14
and all of that. But over time
22:16
what's happened is I think the question
22:19
has started to be raised about what
22:22
did Hamas think it was doing? Now that's
22:24
a question that will become almost
22:26
inevitable and in a very dangerous way
22:29
for Hamas if Israel were to leave
22:31
Gaza anytime in the near term. But
22:33
as long as Israel is there it
22:35
does sort of suppress the
22:38
impulse to ask the question. Nonetheless,
22:40
the question is being asked more
22:42
and more and you can see
22:44
it in the kind of statements
22:46
that are getting out into the
22:49
media and certainly in the Fatah
22:51
response to Hamas's criticism. Yes, you
22:53
quote Fatah in your
22:55
piece in The Daily Beast saying that
22:58
Hamas was responsible for a Nakba
23:00
that is more severe than the
23:03
1948 Nakba. That
23:06
sounds pretty strong. It's
23:08
the strongest thing you can say in Palestinian
23:10
national politics. I mean the Nakba 48 represents
23:13
the destruction of Palestine
23:16
as a society. I mean
23:18
before the 1947-48 war there
23:21
was a Palestinian
23:23
society, a country in a
23:25
fledgling country. It was
23:27
there. It was coming into being.
23:30
And at the end of the war it was gone. And
23:33
most of the Palestinians were outside
23:35
of historical Palestine and were
23:38
refugees and the national movement
23:40
was decimated for decades. So
23:42
if you say this is a Nakba,
23:45
a calamity, worse than a calamity of
23:47
48, you're saying it's
23:49
worse than the worst. It's like saying worse
23:51
than the Holocaust among Jews. And
23:54
I think what you point to there is the fact
23:56
that you know you've got 35,000 people killed.
24:00
in a few months. And that's a number
24:02
that is off the charts in terms of
24:04
dead Palestinians. So it's not a silly thing
24:06
to say, it's just a very strong thing
24:09
to say. And while
24:11
a million Palestinians in Gaza
24:13
are homeless, Fatah said
24:15
Hamas leaders now quote, live a
24:18
life of luxury in seven star
24:20
hotels of reference to Qatar, where
24:23
the Hamas leadership lives now. That's on
24:27
a different register, but still a very
24:29
powerful point. It's a powerful point.
24:32
I mean, the Hamas
24:34
Politburo was expelled from
24:36
Gaza, went to Syria,
24:39
and then they fled Syria in 2012 during
24:42
the Arab Spring Uprisings and ended up in
24:44
Qatar. And they've been
24:46
there living a life
24:48
of relative luxury, and it's in stark
24:51
contrast to the kind
24:53
of life of martyrdom and sacrifice
24:55
struggle and blood, toil and tears
24:57
that they prescribe to ordinary people.
24:59
Now there's a contrast here, which
25:01
is the leadership on the ground
25:04
in Gaza. Yahya Sinwar, the
25:06
political and maximum Hamas
25:08
leader, and Muhammad
25:10
Dave, the paramilitary leader who
25:12
are presumably in tunnels underground,
25:15
underneath Hanyunas or underneath Southern
25:17
Gaza somewhere. And they
25:19
don't live lives of luxury, but the
25:21
former Politburo or the Politburo leaders who
25:24
are now the diplomats of Qatar do.
25:27
And it's a way of jabbing at them
25:29
for sure, and it's not false. We
25:32
talked earlier about the Palestine Liberation
25:34
Organization, the
25:36
PLO, which Hamas would like
25:39
to control. How important is
25:41
the PLO to the Palestinian
25:44
cause internationally? Yeah,
25:46
so this is the thing people
25:48
need to understand. The PLO's diplomatic
25:50
standing and global presence is
25:53
the crown jewel in the Palestinian
25:55
sort of hat car in
25:57
it. Whatever they've created since...
26:00
1967 and the rejuvenation of the Palestinian
26:03
national movement under Arafat and beyond. The
26:05
main thing that the Palestinians have
26:08
built that Israel can't take away
26:10
from them is exactly the international
26:12
role and standing in presence of
26:14
the POO. So we've
26:16
got 130 missions around the world,
26:19
embassies, other missions
26:21
everywhere, and non-member
26:25
observer state status in the UN
26:27
General Assembly and membership in countless
26:30
multinational and multilateral organizations from UNICEF
26:33
to the WHO to, I mean,
26:35
all kinds of things. And
26:38
whoever gets up to speak for
26:40
the Palestinians in an international forum,
26:42
whether it's the Arab League, at
26:44
the UN, and any of these
26:46
organizations at embassies all over
26:48
the world, is going to be
26:50
a PLO representative. Hamas has never been a part
26:53
of the PLO. It's never
26:55
participated in the PLO. And until
26:57
Hamas gains control
26:59
over that international voice, it
27:02
can't really pretend to speak for
27:05
the Palestinians. At the same
27:07
time, Hamas not being a part of the
27:09
PLO and not being in
27:11
sync with Fatah is a problem
27:13
for the Palestinians because you have
27:15
this big faction that's kind of
27:17
outside the whale, and the user-aids
27:19
take advantage of it a lot.
27:21
But it's still the case that
27:23
Hamas needs to claw that international
27:26
voice away from their secular rival.
27:29
And what exactly was Hamas's
27:31
situation on the eve of
27:33
October 7th? Where
27:35
did they stand at that point in
27:38
their rivalry with Fatah? They
27:40
were in a really bad situation, actually.
27:42
And I think people who followed the
27:45
Middle East closely knew how
27:47
dire their situation was. Very
27:50
few of us knew what they were going
27:52
to do or had a sense that they were
27:54
going to lash out. But yeah, they were in
27:56
big trouble. First of all, I think Gaza had
27:58
turned more and more. into a kind
28:00
of a quagmire for them rather than a
28:02
launching pad. They seem to be stuck there,
28:05
just kind of bogged down in Gaza, couldn't
28:07
get back into the West Bank and just
28:09
kind of trapped in this little sort of
28:11
hole in Gaza. They were
28:13
losing support from their international backers
28:15
from Turkey and from Qatar. Both
28:18
of them were saying, you've got to do more for
28:20
yourself. The Turks kind of point
28:22
away from them diplomatically. The Qatar is kind of
28:25
suggesting that they weren't interested in continuing
28:27
to pay the bills for Hamas on
28:30
an ongoing basis.
28:33
Then also Hamas was losing its
28:35
brand because Hamas's competitive advantage against
28:37
the PLO, the PA and FATA
28:39
has been armed struggle because since
28:42
1993, the PLO, the
28:45
PA and FATA have staked
28:47
everything on negotiating a two-state agreement
28:49
with Israel. Whereas Hamas continues
28:52
to use the rhetoric, if
28:54
not the practice always in armed struggle. There
28:57
are these youth groups that have cropped up
28:59
in the West Bank,
29:01
in the Old City of Nablus, the
29:03
Lion's Den, in the Jainen refugee camp,
29:06
the Jainen Brigades and others. Young
29:09
men with guns, doing what young men
29:11
with guns do and certainly
29:13
confronting Israeli occupation soldiers and
29:15
armed settlers. They
29:18
were becoming the vanguard of
29:20
the confrontation with armed Israelis, whether
29:23
it was armed Israeli soldiers or
29:25
armed Israeli settlers. Hamas was even
29:27
losing their one main brand, which
29:29
was armed struggle. They were in
29:31
big trouble. I think they really
29:33
felt that something needed to be
29:36
done. The worst thing was they
29:38
could see that whatever benefits Palestinians
29:40
were going to get, no matter
29:42
how limited, from a US-Israeli-Saudi
29:46
agreement, were all going to
29:48
go to FATA in the West Bank. It
29:50
was going to be money from Saudi Arabia.
29:52
It was going to be some political
29:55
goodies for the PA, maybe even some
29:57
additional standing for the PLO. they
30:00
just couldn't afford it. The Palestinian
30:02
National scene was very evenly
30:05
divided, a delicate equilibrium, and I
30:07
think a Saudi American finger was
30:09
going to come down on the
30:11
scale on the other side
30:14
of the equilibrium from Hamas, and they thought
30:16
it's just got to be stopped, and they
30:18
did stop it, and I think that was
30:20
a very key reason why they acted when
30:22
they did. So the
30:24
United States in all this, what should
30:27
be the political goal of the United
30:29
States in Israel if
30:31
they seriously want to defeat Hamas?
30:34
Well, if they want to defeat Hamas,
30:36
they need to understand what Hamas political
30:38
goal is, and recognize that
30:40
Hamas political goal is internal to
30:43
the Palestinian National Movement. It's not
30:46
primarily to do with Israel, though eventually
30:48
it may be. It's
30:50
not mainly about Iran and
30:52
Saudi-Israeli thing as a regional
30:55
issue, but rather about
30:57
the competition for power
30:59
between Palestinian Islamists and
31:02
Palestinian secularists, and that's where
31:04
the name of the game really is. If
31:07
you want to defeat Hamas and
31:09
thwart Hamas and answer October 7
31:12
on its own terms, it's
31:14
not enough to deal Hamas
31:16
blows from the outside. You've got
31:18
to support their rivals, otherwise it
31:20
won't be a defeat for them,
31:23
otherwise it'll be a matter of
31:25
them kind of like
31:27
braising it out and and toughing
31:29
it out, and then emerging, waving
31:31
the bloody shirt, which is
31:34
the ultimate banner of power and victory,
31:36
and saying, look, we are
31:38
the national movement, we are the right ones,
31:40
you know, we are the true people. These
31:42
guys in the West Bank aren't doing anything,
31:45
they're ridiculous. We are
31:47
fighting Israeli occupation forces every
31:49
day for control of Palestinian
31:51
land. In Gaza, we're dying,
31:54
we're killing, we're doing everything that
31:56
men do In a
31:58
freedom struggle, and the others aren't. That's
32:00
because we are the national robots.
32:03
Can we should be the representatives
32:05
internationally as well? And we
32:07
are really the only ones. Who. Stand
32:09
for the people and that's what they want
32:11
to say. Answer: To deny them that. You've.
32:14
Got to bolster the others. that is no
32:16
other way. The bottom line
32:18
is if you wanted to feed Hamas,
32:20
you have got to strengthen. The.
32:22
Pillow the p I sorta.
32:25
There's no other way. otherwise.
32:27
ultimately, Hamas will win. The
32:30
only way to truly defeat her
32:32
is to strengthen the Palestinian Authority
32:34
to be alone in Fata. That's
32:37
the conclusion of Hussein is he
32:39
wrote about it for The Daily
32:41
Beast the same if is you've
32:43
convinced me. Thanks for talking with
32:45
us today. Start
32:53
making sense. A podcast from the Nation
32:55
Magazine is com produced by the L
32:57
A Review of Books and recorded in
33:00
Los Angeles. In our Blythe Avenue
33:02
Studios. Renee Reynolds is our
33:04
associate producer, Allen Minsky is
33:06
our producer, Ludwig Hurtado is
33:08
our executive producer. Dd Gotten
33:10
Plan is editor of The
33:12
Nation, Oscarsson car is President
33:14
of the Nation, and Katrina
33:16
Vanden Heuvel his publisher and
33:18
editorial director of the Nation.
33:20
Or theme music is from
33:22
Barcelona. Afro Beef licensed by
33:24
Creative Commons.
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