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Welcome to Stuff you Should Know, a production
0:57
of iHeartRadio.
1:04
Hey, and welcome to the podcast. I'm Josh
1:06
and there's Chuck and Jerry's here somewhere
1:09
and this is stuff you should know. The
1:12
Timely Topical Edition. I haven't
1:14
done one of these in a while.
1:15
Job. Yeah, Fight the Power
1:17
Edition.
1:19
I guess. So kind of seems that way,
1:21
doesn't It Like there's really very
1:23
few ways to discuss this and not
1:25
kind of come out on that side.
1:28
Yeah. I'm kind of glad you picked this one because
1:31
with all the talk of you know, food grocery
1:33
store prices and stuff, in the
1:35
back of my mind, I've been thinking,
1:37
like, all right, I know there were
1:39
some reasons for this, but I also
1:41
wonder if they just raised
1:44
prices a lot because they could, right,
1:47
and that's kind of what happened.
1:49
Yeah, it true seems that way, Like I
1:53
think, kind of at the end of the day,
1:55
the discussion over what we're talking about, which
1:57
is called greedflation, which is a fairly new
2:00
right. The
2:04
idea isn't that food companies
2:06
made massive profits over
2:09
the last few years, starting in the pandemic,
2:11
right, Like, There's just basically no way you can
2:13
argue that that didn't happen. It's been documented.
2:16
The issue at hand is
2:19
whether that constitutes
2:21
something beyond the norm of
2:23
capitalism, or is that just that's
2:26
what happens in the free market when
2:28
there's you know, weirdness to it. You
2:30
know, that's the that's
2:32
the question. In my mind. What it really comes
2:34
down to is your interpretation of whether
2:37
there's I don't know, maybe some sort of basic
2:40
moral responsibility for certain
2:43
kinds of companies or companies that deal in certain
2:45
kinds of goods to not just make as
2:47
much money as they possibly can. I
2:49
don't know. I think that's the that's the
2:51
actual debate over it.
2:53
Now, let me ask you this, is it possible
2:55
to be a person who says,
2:59
you know, I'm at that percent behind
3:01
capitalism and let it
3:03
run amok and that's just let
3:05
it work itself out, and then also
3:07
complain about food prices like can those things
3:09
co exist?
3:11
Yes? Those people are called the worst.
3:15
Okay, so it can co
3:17
exist. I think so people you don't want
3:19
to hang out with.
3:20
Right exactly?
3:21
Okay?
3:21
Yeah. I think conversely too, you can
3:23
be totally pro capitalists and still
3:25
be like the idea that
3:28
it's just business is kind of a moral.
3:30
Yeah.
3:30
I don't think you have to you have to
3:32
pick one side or the other. I think
3:34
that it's a little grayer than that.
3:36
All right, shall we jump in.
3:38
Yeah, let's so. Ultimately
3:41
what we're talking about are increases and prices
3:43
at the grocery store on levels that we
3:45
just haven't seen before. Like, you're not crazy,
3:47
the prices at the grocery store are bonkers.
3:51
Apparently, in twenty twenty two in America,
3:54
the inflation for food
3:56
at grocery stores increased eleven point
3:58
four percent, and then
4:01
in twenty twenty three it added another five
4:03
percent, and that was, you
4:05
know, half a little a little
4:07
more than half of what the
4:09
increase had been in twenty twenty two, but
4:11
it was still double with the normal annual
4:14
increases of two point
4:16
five percent, that's how much food typically
4:18
inflates year over year at the grocery store.
4:20
Instead, in two years, it inflated
4:22
by almost seventeen percent. Wow.
4:25
Yeah, And there were reasons for this, Like there's a standard
4:28
narrative, which is there's just
4:30
a handful of reasons that everybody points to like
4:32
this is why.
4:33
Yeah, and there's you know, we're going to talk I
4:35
guess a little bit about kind of the
4:38
standard explanations that we've been hearing for
4:40
the past couple of years, which
4:42
we're not saying is you know, bunk
4:45
or anything like that, because, as
4:47
you'll see, I think is a pretty even handed
4:49
episode. We might get a hot
4:51
hot under the collar, but I
4:54
think there's reason to be So
4:56
here we go. So one thing
4:58
you will hear and have heard a lot is, you
5:00
know, the pandemic's obviously a big reason for all
5:02
this, the biggest driver of
5:05
it, and the disruptions to
5:07
the supply chain. Whether
5:09
you were building a house or whether
5:11
you were a food company
5:14
marking up your goods, the supply
5:16
chain squeezed out. It seems like everything
5:19
on the planet, and there were
5:21
food item shortages, there were ingredient
5:24
shortages, and that was one of the
5:26
drivers for inflation.
5:28
Yeah, even packaging shortages. Like
5:30
a good example is that caffeine
5:32
free coke was temporarily discontinued
5:35
because there was a shortage of aluminum,
5:37
which meant that coke had to basically ration their
5:40
cans, and regular coke sells
5:42
more than caffeine free coke, so they just
5:44
basically focused on coke for
5:46
a little while. Yeah, that caused a shortage. It
5:48
was just that sort bizarre and meandering
5:51
in some cases, right.
5:52
Yeah, which had nothing to do with raising prices,
5:54
But that's just a side.
5:55
Note, right, it's
5:57
true. Yes, you're right.
5:59
So people ate at home a lot more during
6:01
the pandemic, obviously, so there
6:03
was more demand that you know, these goods
6:05
were in shorter supply, and all of a sudden,
6:07
there's more demand for fewer those
6:10
goods. And that is just inflation
6:12
one on one as far as how things get out
6:14
of control.
6:15
Right. And then so if you are a processed
6:18
food company, you have to use ingredients,
6:21
and a lot of ingredients were
6:24
scarcer, and the cost of the ingredients
6:26
went up, right, So that means
6:28
that they raised their cost because they
6:31
raised the prices of their products because their costs
6:33
increased, So their marginal cost,
6:35
which is the cost to put everything together and
6:38
deliver it and all that stuff package it
6:41
increased, which means they
6:43
increased their markup their profit, which
6:45
means you put those two together, the price
6:47
increases in unnecessary
6:50
clue GI economic terms.
6:51
Yeah, and we're going to talk more in depth about this
6:53
stuff, obviously, but you know, usually
6:56
if there's like if it's you know, if it's
6:58
not a pandemic, and they're just happens
7:00
to be an ingredient that is getting squeezed,
7:02
and so the cost of making a bag of Cheetos
7:05
or something costs more. They're not gonna
7:07
companies aren't gonna be like, oh, we've got to raise a price. Then
7:09
they'll just sort of absorb that to keep the prices
7:12
kind of steady and keep things flowing.
7:15
That wasn't the case during the pandemic.
7:17
Though, No, and Chuck, that is that
7:19
is a key thing to understand, is what
7:22
we are seeing those markups, the difference
7:24
in the price and the cost
7:26
of the company's pay to actually
7:29
produce the product. Like
7:31
that, that's we've just never
7:34
seen anything like this before. Economists
7:36
are like, I've never seen anything like this before
7:39
in my forty years of studying
7:42
you know, food delivery and food
7:44
supply chain stuff.
7:45
Yeah, and then people said, you've been studying
7:47
that for forty years, and.
7:49
The guy's like, yes, someone please let
7:51
me stop exactly.
7:54
And then another thing that we heard here
7:56
and there was, you know, people got stimulus
7:59
checks. A lot of people did when
8:01
unemployment was just so staggering
8:04
during the pandemic. So the government
8:07
issued these checks. People
8:09
had a little more money in their pocket to spend,
8:12
which was the idea, and demand
8:15
increased and so that push prices
8:18
higher. The thing is though Europe
8:21
experienced the same inflation we
8:24
did, sometimes even worse as far as food costs
8:26
go, and they didn't get stimulus checks.
8:28
So that one is a little, I
8:31
don't know, confusing.
8:32
I guess it is. This way to say it,
8:35
it is, but just based on classic
8:37
economic theory, there's just no way
8:39
it didn't have some impact, you know what I
8:41
mean? Yeah, sure, in a way.
8:43
You can also point to it as being a very
8:46
unusual factor that took
8:49
place within the context of a larger unusual
8:51
period, which was the pandemic. Right,
8:54
you also had other things
8:56
going on at the same time, Like the pandemic
8:58
wasn't enough. There were tons of bouts
9:01
of Avian flu that was killing hens
9:03
left and right, and I
9:06
guess friar roasters, Yeah,
9:08
the kind you eat too, those chickens. So
9:11
there was less chicken to go around and less hens
9:13
to lay eggs, which meant the price of eggs and
9:16
poultry would increase. What's
9:19
interesting about that is that as
9:21
more hens were hatched and started
9:23
laying more eggs and the supply came back, the
9:26
price of eggs went down, And that is
9:29
weird in the context of what's been going
9:31
on lately too.
9:32
Yeah, absolutely, and we'll talk about
9:34
eggs more because, believe it or not, eggs
9:36
are a big story yet, you
9:39
know story. And then, of course,
9:41
the thing we heard a lot about was the war in Ukraine.
9:43
That was another sort of coexisting
9:46
situation alongside the pandemic,
9:49
which disrupted wheat exports.
9:52
You know, when you're a European country the United
9:54
States and you squeeze sanctions onto
9:56
Russia, there's gonna squeeze right
9:59
back, and well, we've got oil
10:01
that we're not going to supply you anymore, and
10:03
that's just going to that squeezes everything. And
10:06
all of a sudden, grain exports, especially
10:08
wheat, went up, which affects the cost
10:11
of a lot of foods.
10:12
Yeah, because the global economy
10:15
is so interconnected that like if if
10:17
Europe is paying higher energy prices, that's
10:19
definitely going to affect the price of the things
10:21
that American companies are importing
10:23
from Europe, right. Yeah, So all
10:26
those things put together added up to that
10:29
unprecedented increase in prices
10:31
in the grocery store.
10:32
All right. So those are a lot of the reasons that we've
10:34
been hearing about, you know, over
10:36
the past few years. But as far as like, what
10:39
this actually looks like in a grocery store. I
10:41
thought, you know, we thought it'd be helpful if we break down just
10:43
what this looks like for just
10:45
a person walking in a grocery store.
10:47
Okay, so I'll be that person walking. Yeah, I've
10:49
got a hat on. Just imagine I have a cool hat
10:52
on. Okay, I don't I'm walking into the ground.
10:54
I don't know that I've ever seen anywhere hat.
10:55
Weirdly though, like I look weird
10:57
right now.
10:58
Well, it's because you're wearing a hat and.
11:00
I'm walking in place.
11:01
But weirdly, I
11:03
think I've seen you walk in place, but I've never seen you where I hat.
11:06
So if you talk to the USDA, they will
11:08
say the price of food in the United
11:10
States is twenty five percent higher this
11:14
last year in twenty twenty three than it was in twenty
11:16
nineteen. What and
11:18
that was higher than every
11:20
other category on the planet except
11:23
for transportation. And that's why
11:25
people are probably like you should also do one on why
11:27
airline by it costs, you know, one thousand
11:29
dollars to fly from Atlanta, New
11:32
York. Now it doesn't really
11:34
a no, that's not true, but just
11:37
airline tickets are ridiculous
11:39
now. Yeah.
11:40
Do you remember when you used to like get on a plane and
11:42
to be like a third full and they'd
11:44
still take off. They didn't cancel it.
11:47
Yeah, Which that's no good, Like let's fill the planes.
11:49
Up, for sure. But I mean, like, but
11:52
true. Now it's just cutthroat. It's like the oppas.
11:54
It's like, oh, you paid for your ticket a month ago, ts
11:56
you're off the flight.
11:57
Yeah yeah, and the expense anyway,
12:00
all that to say that food food
12:02
prices rose over that three
12:04
year period or four year period, more than
12:06
any other category except for transportation.
12:10
And I believe you already talked about the
12:12
food increase percentage
12:15
wise. But if you're in a grocery store, sir,
12:17
with a hat weirdly walking in place,
12:19
why don't you start coming forward?
12:21
Okay, here, I come take off.
12:23
Your hat when you entered like a good gentleman.
12:25
No, I'm going to leave the hat on. Okay, sure, it's
12:27
a really cool hat.
12:29
And you might notice that that loaf of bread
12:31
over there, just that white sandwich bread
12:34
is twenty two percent more expensive than
12:36
it was just two years ago. God, and
12:39
sir, I see you're thinking, like, well,
12:41
forget that I'm gonna bake my own bread. Well,
12:44
good luck with that too, because that all
12:46
purpose flour is twenty one percent more expensive
12:49
and butter is thirty one percent
12:51
more expensive. So I don't even think about baking a
12:53
birthday cake.
12:54
I can't even get a break on butter.
12:56
I can't even I know butter is. I
12:59
mean that stuff right off the stick.
13:01
So so okay, I'm still the guy
13:03
in the hat. I'm moving down another aisle. I'm like
13:05
nuts. To make it my own bread, I'll
13:07
just eat a bunch of ultra process stuff because
13:10
that's dirt cheap. Everybody knows that. Surely
13:13
that hasn't increased in price.
13:15
No, no, And since you said
13:17
nuts, why don't you go ahead and get some of those
13:19
nuts because they're about sixteen
13:21
percent more expensive.
13:23
Well, they make me pack on too much weight anyway, so
13:25
I'm fine with that.
13:26
And by the way, sir with the hat, I want to remind
13:28
you that these stats for process
13:31
foods are just over one year. WHOA,
13:34
from twenty twenty two to twenty twenty three. You're
13:37
paying sixteen percent more for the salties, sixteen
13:39
percent more for those cookies, eighteen
13:42
and a half percent more for that granola bar you think
13:44
is held. And if you want a little fruit
13:46
snack, almost twenty four percent more expensive.
13:49
Not the fruit snacks, yes, the fruit
13:51
snacks.
13:52
Chuck. This skit has gotten.
13:54
Really dark, as
13:56
dark as Halloween.
13:58
Pretty dark. Oh actually,
14:00
no, you're right. Halloween was a bloodbath, especially
14:03
if you're talking fun sized Snickers, because
14:05
get this, this is crazy.
14:08
I mean even Halloween. Normally Halloween
14:10
prices are beyond nuts. But
14:12
this is just really bad.
14:14
A bag of fun sized Snickers went
14:17
from twenty twenty two,
14:19
or sorry, went from twenty twenty one to twenty twenty
14:22
two, It increased by one hundred
14:24
and forty percent. You could have
14:26
gotten a bag of fun sized Snickers for five
14:28
bucks in twenty twenty one. You paid twelve
14:30
dollars the next year.
14:33
All right, well there's nothing
14:35
fun about that.
14:37
Okay, So the skits over and scene
14:40
or end scene, depending on your view. And
14:43
I'm gonna keep wearing my hat though, Okay, all.
14:45
Right, keep that hat on. That's a good setup, and we'll be
14:47
right back with more.
15:17
Okay, So there's something
15:19
to remember too, Like it sucks to pay a lot
15:21
at the grocery store, but if you are a
15:24
low income family or a low income
15:26
country, it hits you even worse
15:28
because food prices increases
15:30
in food prices are regressive. They
15:32
have the largest impact on the people
15:35
who have the least amount of money because those
15:37
people spend a far greater proportion
15:40
of their household budget or their national
15:42
budget on food than
15:44
wealthier people do. They just have
15:47
less money, so they
15:49
still need food. It's not something that you
15:51
can skip very easily, and eventually
15:53
you're going to have to eat, so
15:56
it's an essential thing to buy
15:58
and you don't really have much of a say in
16:00
it if the food prices keep rising.
16:03
So it's really important to keep that in mind that it's
16:06
not just an annoyance, it's not just in
16:08
your pocketbook. It actually has pushed
16:10
people into poverty
16:13
classes in different countries and developed
16:15
countries because food
16:17
prices got They were kind of
16:19
close on the border to begin with, and then
16:21
the pandemic came along and as the food prices
16:24
increased, they were pushed into poverty
16:26
categories.
16:27
Yeah, if you look at the Food Price Index, the
16:30
five categories meat, dairy,
16:33
cereals, vegetable, oils,
16:35
and sugar increased fifty
16:37
seven percent all over the world.
16:39
Over a two year period from twenty twenty
16:42
to twenty twenty two, and then
16:44
a couple of years later here in twenty twenty
16:46
four, some prices have come
16:48
down some quite a bit, eggs
16:51
especially, and again we'll talk about eggs a little
16:53
more. They're ones that really
16:56
kind of reset back down again, but
16:59
not everything. And just over
17:01
a two year period, a fifty seven
17:03
percent increase in meat,
17:05
dairy, cereals, vegetable oil, and sugar is
17:08
going to have a real impact, like
17:10
you said, on families in the United States that
17:12
don't have as much money, and certainly hundreds
17:16
of millions of people all over the world in
17:18
countries that didn't have so much money
17:20
to begin with.
17:21
Right, So that's that's one
17:23
side of it. Like this is actually affecting and impacting
17:26
people in very extreme ways. Yeah,
17:29
So on the one hand, you have people
17:31
who are being pushed into poverty. On the other hand,
17:33
you have the food producers
17:35
who are benefiting tremendously, like
17:38
again, in like record degrees
17:41
in some cases.
17:42
You mean these hundreds and hundreds
17:44
of corporations that
17:46
own all these food companies, right.
17:48
No, Chuck, do you have five
17:51
fingers and five toes on each hand? And foot still.
17:54
Yes, well, then you can more than count
17:57
the number of conglomerates essentially running
17:59
the food supply in the developed
18:01
world.
18:02
Yeah. I mean, we were being kind of cheeky there, but we've
18:04
talked about this before the fact that they're
18:07
just a handful of huge corporations that own
18:10
almost every food And
18:12
you know, this is obviously discounting
18:14
the little indie brands and stuff
18:16
like that. They're out there doing their thing. Most of those are
18:18
trying to get bought by one of these companies.
18:20
Yeah, yeah, I was going to say more and more. They're
18:23
a portfolio of one of these larger brands.
18:26
Yeah, looking for that you know, big big
18:28
money exit and you know, good for them.
18:30
But point is, there are
18:33
just a handful of these big corporations and if
18:35
you ask, if you sit down any of their CEOs
18:37
and grill them over this cost
18:39
increase, they're going to talk about those
18:42
things we talked about at the beginning. They're going to be the
18:44
pandemic demic. Inflation was
18:46
out of control and there wasn't anything we could do. We
18:48
were forced to raise our prices
18:51
to remain profitable. And we're not saying
18:53
that you shouldn't
18:56
make a profit or anything like that. Like, we get
18:58
it that these are for profit company, and
19:00
those costs definitely did go up, and they
19:03
maybe could not take that all on the chin. We're
19:06
not arguing for that. But if
19:09
they then raised
19:11
those costs and said, all right, well we have to account for this
19:13
to so we don't lose our profit margins,
19:16
and they accounted for that, then their
19:18
profit margin should have been about the same
19:20
and they should have been like, all right, well, we didn't lose a lot of money.
19:22
We stayed about the same because we accounted for those
19:24
costs. But that's not what happened.
19:26
Yeah, their profits didn't didn't
19:29
increase in step with their costs. They
19:31
increased plus some right,
19:33
plus a lot, right, plus a lot. So
19:36
Tyson Foods a huge producer of
19:38
chicken in the United
19:41
States, and the
19:43
first quarter of twenty twenty one to
19:45
the first quarter of twenty twenty two, they doubled
19:47
their profits, not their revenue. Their
19:50
profits. Yeah doubled. Okay,
19:52
one hundred percent times two doubled.
19:55
Yeah, that's important, and
19:57
that's one year, year over year. Gill
20:00
another huge conglomerate. They had
20:02
a record six point sixty eight billion
20:04
dollar profit in twenty twenty two, double
20:06
its profit two years before.
20:09
Yeah, and overall, food
20:11
corporations had
20:14
their largest profits during the pandemic,
20:16
during peak inflation, when everyone
20:19
was getting squeezed and hurt. The most food
20:21
corporations recorded their largest profits
20:23
in seventy years.
20:25
Right, And some of them even
20:27
did while they were losing sales,
20:29
like General Mills. Sales were declining
20:32
by like nine percent in twenty twenty
20:34
one and another four percent in twenty twenty two,
20:37
and yet at the end of twenty two twenty two, their
20:39
profits were up ninety seven percent
20:42
over the twenty twenty one I believe.
20:45
So here's where the sticking point is, Chuck,
20:47
this is where where views
20:49
diverge because this is documented
20:52
fact. Is that is
20:54
that just to be expected? Like, do
20:56
people who are mad about this greedflation
20:58
idea not understand and basic capitalism
21:02
or do they have a point in
21:05
saying like this, this is approaching and
21:07
probably has passed a morality?
21:10
Yeah, I mean that's a question if you look we're talking
21:12
about corporations, but if you look at
21:14
people. There were sixty
21:16
two new new food
21:19
billionaires over
21:21
that two year span from twenty twenty to
21:23
twenty twenty two, and they
21:25
calculated this is Oxpam who calculated
21:28
this stuff. That the food billionaires,
21:30
which that those two words is interesting
21:33
together food billionaire, those
21:35
food billionaires made more money during
21:38
the two years of the pandemic than they did
21:40
in the previous twenty three years combined.
21:44
That's I mean, that's the stat of the show.
21:46
So economists like have started to dig into
21:48
this, and just like about anything else,
21:50
there's liberal economists, that's a conservative economists,
21:53
And depending on where you fall, you probably
21:55
either agree, like, yes, this is greedflation
21:58
or you're like, no, people don't understand, this is just basic
22:00
capitalism.
22:02
Yeah, we can look at actual numbers
22:04
though, to help people make up their own
22:06
mind. There's a nonpartisan group called the
22:09
Economic Policy Institute that we talked
22:11
about before on the show, and they looked
22:14
at factors that contributed to these
22:16
higher prices over the last few years, and
22:19
they identified three major components
22:21
of costs for a category
22:24
goods and services, which food was a part
22:26
of. Which are unit labor
22:28
costs, which are you know, the workers,
22:31
what you pay a worker, their salary, their benefits,
22:33
stuff like that. The non labor
22:36
costs energy costs, transportation,
22:39
debt payments, tax i imagine
22:41
for the food part, like the actual food
22:43
stuff is in there, right, sure, yeah.
22:46
And then profit margin, which is that
22:48
markup that we talked about that
22:50
you know, that's what's going to generate the profit for the
22:52
company. And so they looked
22:55
since twenty twenty, and prices
22:57
in the non financial
23:00
corporate sector, which like we said, foods are
23:02
part of that group, have
23:04
increased six six point one
23:06
percent a year on average, which
23:08
is three times the pre
23:10
pandemic rate of one point eight a year.
23:14
Right, Okay, So they said, like
23:16
under normal, normal circumstances,
23:18
all these costs are actually pretty
23:21
well represented in a steady way
23:24
across the non financial corporate
23:26
sector. Like inflation increases,
23:29
You can attribute increases in price,
23:31
which is inflation to those
23:33
three things labor,
23:36
non labor, and profit. You
23:39
can divide them up pretty pretty clearly.
23:42
Normally, the largest contributor
23:45
to price increases are labor costs.
23:47
In a normal economy, they contribute
23:50
about sixty two percent to inflation.
23:53
The non labor cost which is like you
23:55
said, the costs that to actually make the
23:57
product and deliver it and all that stuff, that's
23:59
about twenty seven percent, And normally
24:02
the profit represents about eleven
24:04
point four eleven and a half percent, and
24:07
you put all those things together, and that
24:09
explains the increase in prices year
24:11
over year, which we call inflation, right.
24:13
Yeah, and that, by the way, was over a forty
24:16
year period.
24:17
Yeah, So that's, yes, exactly, That's what I'm
24:19
saying, Like, it's pretty stable or what
24:21
has been stable over the last forty years. Where
24:23
it became totally unhinged from
24:27
normalcy is starting
24:29
in the pandemic. It's starting about Q two
24:32
of twenty twenty, where
24:35
everything just kind of went haywire basically
24:38
according to that normal forty year
24:41
trend.
24:42
Yeah. So labor costs, which over that
24:44
forty years previously accounted for about sixty
24:46
two percent of increase in
24:48
costs, accounted for less than
24:50
eight percent this time. Right. The
24:53
non labor cost previously, if you remember,
24:55
was twenty seven percent that
24:57
is now thirty eight percent.
25:00
So that's that that's that narrative
25:02
of like the supply chains and like Ukraine
25:04
and all that stuff. That's what that cost,
25:07
that increase in cost represents.
25:09
Yeah, and then the you
25:11
know what's coming everybody, uh, that eleven
25:13
point four percent over forty
25:16
years of you know, of the markup
25:18
of the corporate profit that accounted
25:20
for an increase in prices went to almost
25:22
fifty four percent.
25:24
And that nuts, I mean, there it is. Yeah,
25:27
so it's about five times the normal rate.
25:29
During a pandemic, food
25:31
companies made about five times
25:34
what they normally make in profits on
25:36
food.
25:37
Yeah, the end, can we stop?
25:41
Pretty I mean pretty much, there's because
25:43
everything else is just basically a matter
25:45
of opinion at that point, there's no
25:48
there's no right answer to tell you
25:50
the truth. It's I think what's going to happen
25:52
is a large enough group will
25:54
decide on what they consider the
25:56
right answer, and that that will be how
25:59
things move forward. Yeah,
26:01
and it looks like the drum beat seems to be pretty
26:04
greed flation. He like people against greed
26:06
flation.
26:07
Yeah, and that, like you said, that's a pretty catchy word.
26:09
There's an actual, like
26:12
economics term. Like if you said, well, you can
26:14
probably get away with saying greed flation in an ECON
26:16
class these days, but.
26:17
Sure everybody will think you're really cool.
26:21
Previously, they say, look at the
26:23
guy in the hat walking in place saying
26:25
things like greed flation.
26:26
Back at it.
26:28
The previous term for that was seller's inflation.
26:31
There was a guy in nineteen fifty eight named
26:33
Abraham Lerner and economists who
26:38
he's a he's a Keensian guy.
26:40
And we've talked about the Keynsian approach
26:43
to economics and what was the other one?
26:45
It's another guy, Oh,
26:48
Milton Friedman, the Chicago School
26:50
guy.
26:52
No, I can't remember.
26:53
Adam Smith, Yeah, that was
26:56
it, the classical the guy who came up
26:58
with capitalism.
26:59
Yeah. Yeah, those are sort of the general big
27:02
two schools of thought. And Keensians
27:04
generally think that if
27:07
there's a lot of inflation going on, that means there's
27:09
too much money in the economy,
27:11
and so the Fed comes in. They
27:13
operate on the Keynesian theories and
27:16
they want to slow that inflation, so
27:18
they'll raise interest rates to
27:20
kind of cool things down and try and get people
27:23
to instead borrow and spend to kind of
27:25
save a little money.
27:26
Yeah, and this actually can control inflation a
27:28
lot, like a lot. But
27:31
what greedflation is showing
27:33
us, and what some economists who study this kind
27:35
of thing, seller's inflation, have known for
27:37
a while that
27:39
kind of monetary policy can't control
27:42
corporate decisions to increase prices.
27:45
In other words, seller inflation.
27:48
Right, So that's seller induced inflation, another
27:50
word for greedflation. It just is saying like,
27:52
the companies who sell these products are
27:54
deciding they want to make more money than they did
27:56
before, and they're going to see if you're willing to
27:58
pay it. Here's the thing, and this
28:00
is why the pandemic changed everything. This is why
28:03
the pandemic takes these
28:05
standard economic narratives and theories
28:07
and just turns
28:10
them on their head in a lot of situations.
28:12
And the reason why is in a normal
28:14
economy where companies are
28:16
competitive with one another, that
28:19
urge to increase their price and make
28:21
more profit is kept down from
28:24
the concern that their competitor is going
28:26
to keep their price the same, and so people
28:29
shoppers, being very price sensitive, especially
28:31
with food, will be like, oh, I'll
28:34
eat this generic wheat flakes
28:36
rather than wheaties because it's a dollar less.
28:38
So I'm just going to become I'm just going to go eat
28:40
these from now on and just abandon wheaties.
28:43
They don't want that to happen, so they're really
28:45
really touchy about raising prices in a
28:47
normally competitive economy. The
28:50
thing is the pandemic offered
28:52
in a lot of people's opinion including
28:54
CEOs as we'll see, basically
28:57
once in a generation opportunity for
29:00
everyone to raise their prices for
29:02
no good reason, essentially because
29:05
they wanted to.
29:06
Yeah, I mean, there's a there's a sweet spot
29:08
if you're a company, you know, and you're making
29:10
a box of granola bars or
29:12
whatever, where like you want to have
29:15
that price as much as it can be without
29:18
getting someone to not buy it, right, And
29:21
that's just sort of the sweet spot where they have
29:23
maximized their profit and
29:27
anything beyond that might get them, like you said,
29:29
to look at another brand or maybe to not get it
29:31
at all, like to make that hard decision. So
29:34
they don't they don't fluctuate in their prices a lot.
29:36
They want to keep it kind of at that maximum
29:38
price where you're still going to buy it, but you you know,
29:41
like it what essentially is quote unquote
29:43
fair for everybody. But like you said,
29:45
during the pandemic, and I don't I don't
29:47
think you know, I don't think anyone is saying they these
29:50
like five or six corporations, like the evil
29:52
heads of them all got together on a call
29:55
and said, on the count of three, we're all
29:57
going to raise our prices together. It
30:00
just sort of happened that way in
30:03
that you know, there isn't
30:05
a lot of competition like when there's only a handful
30:08
of companies, So it's not like you had
30:10
to have some big, wide ranging conspiracy.
30:12
You just had to basically individually
30:17
agree that this pandemic was a great cover
30:20
to raise prices that will never go back
30:22
down.
30:22
Yeah, I think that you don't need collusion.
30:25
Any CEO worth their
30:27
salary would see the pandemic as
30:29
a great opportunity to raise prices
30:31
because there was really highly
30:33
publicized reasons for
30:36
why prices would go up,
30:38
like the supply chain shortages, the
30:40
war in Ukraine, energy prices
30:42
going up. They had this cover. The
30:45
pandemic gave them cover to raise
30:47
their prices just because they wanted to. They didn't need
30:49
to say I'm going to do this. They knew that everybody
30:51
else is going to do this at the same time, which
30:53
provided additional cover. It decreased
30:56
the risk that they were going to lose market share.
30:59
And then the other thing that kind of came together
31:01
to make this a perfect storm of terribly
31:03
high food prices is something
31:05
you touched on. Competition is
31:08
less today than it was, say, ten
31:10
years ago. Fifteen years ago, twenty years
31:12
ago, because the Federal Trade Commission
31:15
and the Justice Department have kind of
31:17
long been for several decades open for business.
31:19
Like, if you want to have a merger, they'll probably
31:22
let you do it, and you'll become a bigger corporation
31:24
and a bigger corporation and a bigger corporation, and
31:27
as you grow, you control more and more market
31:29
share to where some you know, today
31:31
I think three main companies produce
31:34
seventy or eighty percent of the cereals on the
31:36
shelves in American grocery stores. That's
31:38
not competition. That really lowers
31:41
the risk of losing market share because
31:43
you control so many different brands, you
31:45
can monkey with them as much as you want, so lower
31:48
competition because of consolidation. Plus
31:50
the cover that the pandemic gave basically
31:53
presented this perfect opportunity for everybody
31:55
to raise prices basically in unison,
31:58
essentially just to increase their profits.
32:01
That's what we're seeing. And again, I
32:03
know I've been hammering this. We come to this question
32:07
again, is that a moral or is
32:09
that just normal capitalism?
32:11
Yeah, and again we're not saying cover profits
32:13
because all those reasons were real. We're
32:15
not saying raising their costs to so
32:18
they wouldn't like start losing money. We're
32:21
talking about like the kind of increases that we
32:23
saw, which was fifty plus percent profit
32:26
increase. If you are the
32:29
Groundwork Collaborative think tank, you
32:32
can go over transcripts from these corporate
32:35
earnings calls from these companies
32:37
and they're flat out saying it,
32:39
you know, like they're saying, basically, this
32:42
is our chance at a market reset, like
32:44
an adjustment. We thought
32:46
our products were too inexpensive
32:49
before, so this is our chance to really
32:51
raise these profits because we have all this cover. One
32:54
of the exec sit ConAgra even said
32:57
the consumers will welcome the increased
32:59
prey, which is I mean, if that's
33:01
not just out of touch, you
33:04
know, I don't even know what to say about
33:06
that. People might accept
33:08
it and live with it because it's food they need, right,
33:11
but no one's no one welcomes a price
33:13
increase on this something.
33:14
It was a really bizarre word to use, but
33:16
this was this was like these transcripts
33:18
of CEOs talking to their shareholders and major
33:21
investors and then basically taking like a
33:23
victory lap, saying like look at this, this is nuts,
33:26
Like we're able to do this. We were able to like make all these
33:28
extra profits for nothing without without
33:30
our costs like increasing. We just
33:32
raised our prices and here's why. And
33:35
you said something important. A lot of the story
33:37
that you hear from CEOs and corporations
33:40
and the people who typically defend them
33:43
is that, like you said, the prices were
33:45
too low before, so this would this gave
33:47
them a chance to correct the market. And
33:50
then we us continuing
33:53
to buy these products at the higher price sends
33:55
the signal to those companies like, Okay,
33:58
this is a fair price. Still like like, consumers
34:00
are willing to pay this, and
34:03
well, they pay a little bit more, let's find out, and they'll
34:05
increase prices again. And then eventually we
34:07
get to a point where people are like, I'm not paying anymore.
34:10
Demand goes down, maybe the price goes
34:12
down or they hold it at that point.
34:14
Yeah, But and that goes back to the previous
34:16
thing we're saying, where people that are upper
34:19
middle class and higher can maybe
34:22
complain about the cost of something, but
34:24
it doesn't change how they're necessarily buying
34:26
groceries. The people that are really
34:28
getting pinched are the people at the bottom. And
34:31
that's We've
34:34
just seen that happen all over, you know,
34:37
from gas costs
34:39
to food costs. Like I remember when
34:41
gas I can't remember when it was. Veieler
34:43
was in like the late nineties or early two thousands,
34:46
Yes, when gas jumped like
34:48
fifty or sixty cents over a year or two. Yeah,
34:51
And I remember telling my friends at
34:53
the time, like, it's never going to go
34:55
back down because over the previous maybe
34:58
as long as there was gas, but with the previous at least
35:00
decade or so, it fluctuated
35:03
up and down like a nickel two three
35:05
cents, up maybe as high as a dime, then back
35:07
down again. And then it just it just ramped
35:09
up like fifty cents. And I just remember thinking
35:12
I didn't even know why. I knew nothing about it. I
35:14
just remember thinking this was what
35:17
was it? Was it? Jeesu?
35:19
Was it nine to eleven? Maybe now before
35:22
that, there was something that happened and
35:24
they took a huge jump, and I just remember
35:26
thinking, like, this is going to be the cover
35:28
and the gas will never be below
35:30
like a buck seventy five again or whatever
35:33
it was.
35:33
Right, Yeah, And so that's a really cynical
35:35
view, but it's entirely possible. You're correct
35:38
that.
35:38
It was correct.
35:39
Yeah, it They used
35:42
an opportunity to raise prices
35:44
and maybe raise them beyond what they really needed
35:46
to. And it, sure it
35:48
came down, It fluctuated up and down, but it
35:50
reset to a new normal, a new baseline.
35:53
Yeah, that's what I'm saying.
35:53
And it didn't really ever drop below
35:56
that. And then that new baseline gave
35:58
them an opportunity later on to ratcheted
36:00
up to a new normal and so on and so forth,
36:03
and under normal conditions, that's just
36:05
inflation, right, Like the
36:08
prices are supposed to grow over
36:10
time. It's like a sign of a healthy economy,
36:13
but it needs to be around two to three
36:15
percent something like that. What we're talking
36:17
about is well beyond that. But
36:19
that does seem to be what
36:21
we're seeing here too. And at least
36:24
one of the CEOs from their earnings
36:26
call said something like this
36:29
is this is giving us a chance to create this
36:31
new normal, to normalize higher prices.
36:34
Essentially, people are going to get used to it. Sure
36:36
we're mad about it. Sure some people are being
36:38
forced in poverty. Now they'll get used
36:40
to it. And the other terrible
36:43
thing about it, Chuck, is that they're driving
36:46
inflation. They're making
36:48
it. They're making everything more expensive,
36:50
like inflation is outpacing
36:53
its normal rate because
36:55
of higher prices. Some economists
36:57
are like, nope, it's the other way around. But it seems
36:59
to be lopsided this
37:02
time, where the higher prices are
37:04
causing higher inflation rather than higher
37:07
inflation causing higher prices, at
37:09
least in the food world.
37:11
All right, let's take another break, then
37:14
we'll talk about more of this stuff right after this.
37:45
So thus far we've
37:48
been leaving grocery stores kind
37:50
of out of the conversation and
37:52
under normal circumstances that would make sense.
37:54
Oh okay, I was wondering if we were gonna get
37:57
the grocery stores.
37:58
Right, because grocery stores, if
38:00
I kind of a check on food manufacturers,
38:03
like the big chains and probably even
38:05
mid size chains, they have entire
38:07
departments whose job it is is to basically
38:09
reconstruct all of the
38:12
costs that the food producers
38:14
have to get a general
38:16
idea of how much they're marking up their
38:19
product right. Because the grocery stores
38:21
don't want to pay any more than anybody
38:23
else. Because they're the ones whose
38:25
stores we actually go to, they have the
38:27
most to lose. And
38:30
then so normally that ends up being like a
38:33
check on how much food companies
38:36
mark up. Makes sense. The
38:39
thing is, it turns out that, at
38:41
least according to the Federal Trade Commission in
38:43
the United States, grocery
38:45
stores were profiteering from the pandemic
38:47
too.
38:48
Can you believe it?
38:49
Yeah. The FTC recently conducted a
38:51
study of nine different grocery stores
38:54
and food wholesalers that includes
38:56
Kroger, Amazon, and Walmart. And
38:59
they found that as an end street, they didn't they weren't
39:01
able to get like individual company data,
39:03
but they found that as an industry their profits
39:05
went up out
39:08
of step with their costs.
39:10
Oh geez, here we go, just like.
39:12
The food producers, although it wasn't nearly as dramatic
39:15
as the food producers. For
39:17
example, in twenty fifteen, the
39:19
peak markup, the peak
39:21
profit was five point six percent
39:24
across the industry, and then
39:26
in twenty twenty one it went
39:28
over six percent, and then two
39:30
years later it hit over seven percent. No
39:32
boy, And again this is out of step with their
39:35
costs. And they also
39:37
found that the large chains used
39:40
their clout to basically get
39:42
their hands on scarce products
39:46
and edged out smaller competitors,
39:48
so they basically created mini monopolies
39:51
in their areas in their regions, temporary
39:53
mini monopolies. So that's
39:55
a thing too. For sure. We're getting
39:57
gouged both by the food companies
40:00
and the grocery stores. It seems.
40:02
Yeah, I mean I can tell when I go to the grocery
40:05
store. It's a big difference.
40:06
Right.
40:07
One thing we should mention kind of quickly here is
40:09
this idea of shrink inflation, because
40:12
that kind of figures in. That's another sort of sneaky
40:14
way to increase profits. That
40:16
is, when you pay the same price
40:19
for less of something that you used to get,
40:22
whether it's you know, five
40:25
less dishwasher
40:29
detergent inserts that come in the
40:31
packet, or whether it's ounces
40:34
off of a chocolate bar or ounces
40:36
out of a coke bottle, the price
40:38
is the same and it's generally
40:40
just like there's nothing illegal about it. But it's like,
40:43
oh boy, maybe they won't notice if we make
40:45
the two liter coke
40:47
one point seventy five leaders if we just
40:50
keep the price the same, and that's what happens.
40:52
Yeah, it's another form of inflation, even
40:54
though the price doesn't go up like the as
40:56
a whole the unit price, like to
40:59
say, the per ounce price has gone up
41:01
because you get less for the same
41:03
price, right right. People who
41:05
attrack inflation actually adjust for
41:07
that because it's so widespread. Shrink flation
41:10
is. But one thing that's not typically
41:12
tracked is something related called skimpflation,
41:15
where the ingredients or the
41:17
packaging or something degrades or downgrades
41:20
to save money, and
41:22
that actually affects the price or the
41:24
value or the quality of what you're paying for.
41:28
That's not tracked as part of inflation.
41:30
So there's still a way to kind of wiggle through without
41:33
making it seem like you're ripping the customer off.
41:35
Yeah, so you mentioned other
41:38
schools of thought. We're going to talk about some
41:40
of those, because there is no arguing
41:42
that during the pandemic that the
41:45
prices just went way way up, like that's
41:47
just it's a fact. But
41:50
there are economists at the FED, the
41:52
Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City that
41:54
wrote a paper about these corporate profits
41:57
during the pandemic, and they started looking
41:59
at the dates and the
42:01
timing of this stuff and they noticed something
42:03
interesting, which was that the biggest
42:06
price hikes happening in twenty
42:08
twenty through about the first quarter of twenty
42:11
twenty one, and the
42:13
inflation didn't get really bad until later
42:16
on in twenty twenty one and just devastatingly
42:18
through twenty twenty two. And
42:20
so the Kansas City economists basically
42:23
said that they raise these prices
42:25
early because they thought they
42:27
saw the future that higher costs were coming
42:29
down the line. So instead of waiting
42:31
until that happened for a big spike in
42:33
prices, let's start raising these prices
42:36
now. It's kind of smooth things out over time.
42:38
Yeah, instead of one big increase, maybe
42:40
five smaller increases that equal that
42:43
seem big increase, right, Yeah,
42:45
and that makes sense. That actually
42:47
is pretty smart. I mean,
42:50
like, if you're a business, of course you want to predict increases
42:52
in cost. The thing
42:54
is is the fact that prices
42:57
don't normally come back down. What we were
42:59
talking about with your anecdote about a gas
43:01
going up. Yeah, that when
43:03
prices like of a certain
43:05
type of item or whatever go
43:08
up but tend to not come back down.
43:10
Really that they're called sticky, or
43:12
they're in economic terms, those prices are
43:15
downwardly rigid. They don't like to come down, right,
43:17
So as riggs, right,
43:20
eggs are the miracle. So
43:23
as they're as companies like
43:26
costs, their marginal costs to create and
43:28
deliver the product go down, those
43:30
prices aren't going to come down accordingly, so
43:32
their profits are just going to be nicer and nicer.
43:36
That is an explanation that's definitely
43:38
more in step with the idea like this is just normal
43:41
capitalism. Like it happened to
43:43
be a seller's market
43:45
during the pandemic because demand
43:47
went up and companies were there to fulfill
43:49
that demand, and demand drove prices up,
43:51
and their costs didn't increase in steps,
43:53
so they were able to reap a higher profit. That's
43:56
kind of like that. That what that explanation
43:58
is saying.
43:59
Yeah, for sure, there are people
44:01
that are like, hey, this greedflation
44:03
thing, I don't agree
44:05
with it. There's a guy named Eric Levittz
44:08
at New York Magazine who had a very
44:10
long piece critique basically
44:13
on the greed plation argument
44:15
and said a bunch of things that we're going to
44:17
go over now. But the person was that, Hey,
44:20
these we've had corporate
44:22
consolidation for a while now, and
44:24
they could have just raised these prices whenever.
44:28
So I'm not buying that this happened
44:30
just during the pandemic. But what
44:32
we're and a lot of people, including
44:35
Robert Reich, who's a very smart guy, are
44:37
pointing out it's like, no, what they're saying
44:39
is it gave him the cover to do that, and
44:42
they've sort of admitted this on the call. So
44:45
I just say throw that one out right away.
44:46
Yeah, it totally discounts the idea that brands
44:49
try to cultivate goodwill with their customers,
44:52
that they just wouldn't care that their customers
44:54
didn't like them. TS, you're going to buy our stuff
44:56
anyway because we're consolidated. I agree
44:59
to throw that one.
44:59
Out all right. The next one was, and
45:02
this is kind of what you were talking about, but that fifty
45:04
four nearly fifty four percent increase
45:07
in corporate profits.
45:10
He argues that it's it's
45:14
the effect of inflation, not the cause,
45:16
and that we've got it backwards. Josh and Chuck
45:18
have it backwards right exactly.
45:20
That the companies were there to
45:23
offer the products at the higher price and they just
45:25
happened to make this windfall and that's just it
45:27
was in their favor, right, I
45:30
mean, it's a it's
45:32
a legitimate explanation
45:34
it's just again, it
45:36
skirts that issue of whether that's okay.
45:38
I guess yeah.
45:40
And then the other thing that Levits
45:42
eventually settles on is he's like all that
45:45
stuff that people say, that
45:47
pandemic narrative for higher prices,
45:49
all that's correct. Demand was high,
45:52
supply was tight, people
45:54
had way more money than they normally
45:56
do. All of a sudden, Uncle Joe Biden
45:58
sent a bunch of checks and
46:00
that corporations have always been
46:02
greedy, and that I
46:06
take this to basically say, like, if you don't
46:09
if you don't like what you're seeing, if
46:11
you don't like being price gouged for
46:13
food during a pandemic, then don't
46:16
live through a pandemic in a capitalist
46:18
country. Sorry, right, you
46:21
know.
46:22
Sure that's pretty inconvenient for a lot
46:24
of people, exactly.
46:26
Yeah, And a lot of people are saying, like, no,
46:28
we've got to do something about this. There's a Society
46:31
general banker economist
46:35
named Albert Edward or Edwin,
46:37
I can't remember Edwards,
46:39
I think, and he said that what he's
46:41
seeing. This is the guy who said he's been at this for forty
46:43
years and he's never seen anything like it. He said
46:45
that it's unprecedented
46:48
and astonishing levels of corporate
46:50
greed that we're seeing as a result
46:53
of these price increases in these profit
46:55
margins that we're seeing are eye popping. This
46:57
guy's an economist student for forty years. He's like,
46:59
this is just wrong. And
47:01
he threw out something that a
47:04
lot of people on both sides of the political
47:06
spectrum do not like to hear. He
47:08
said, we should consider price controls,
47:11
Like if corporations are going to go this, be this
47:13
reckless with people's lives and
47:15
you know, budgets, then we
47:18
need to control them. The government needs to step in and
47:20
say you can't charge over this amount for this
47:22
product.
47:23
Yeah, And I mean they're even like
47:27
super capitalist Keynsian economists
47:30
who agree about Parch part
47:32
of that, which is like, hey, if there's
47:34
a like a real bottleneck of
47:36
a commodity that only a handful of people
47:39
control, you
47:41
should cap that commodity price
47:44
so they don't get together and gouge
47:46
people when there's a real
47:48
squeeze on like a particular specific
47:51
thing, right, not
47:53
not like an overall like cap on
47:55
the price of cereal or something.
47:57
So the thing is is that there's there's plenty
47:59
of story worries of horror stories from the past
48:01
where capitalist economies
48:03
have tried to use price controls and
48:06
that they can lead to scarcity
48:08
because suppliers would be like, I'm not
48:10
going to get into this business any longer. I'm
48:12
getting out of it because I can't make more
48:14
than what the government's saying I can make. And all of
48:16
a sudden, that product, say bread,
48:19
is now really hard to come by because nobody's
48:21
making it, and demand spikes and people have to
48:23
stay in line. No one likes price controls,
48:27
but there's not there's
48:29
not a lot of alternative ideas,
48:31
Like there's a sense of helplessness
48:33
and everybody who tends to rely
48:36
on the federal government to solve like major massive
48:38
problems like food suppliers
48:41
gouging customers. You
48:45
got basically either price controls or
48:47
to me, the more legitimate,
48:50
the more legitimate answer, which would be to
48:53
tax those windfall
48:55
profits at a higher rate. Like Okay,
48:58
if you're just doing like the normal capitalist
49:00
thing as a corporation and
49:03
you you can't help it, that's just what
49:05
your profits are. If it's a during
49:07
a pandemic or during a crisis, or
49:09
people are really hurting and you're making these profits
49:12
we're going to tax above you know, X
49:14
percentage higher than everything
49:16
below that is your profit.
49:19
Now is that trigger? Is that like U during
49:22
a specific time or is it like a
49:25
specific like a
49:28
percentage increase in profits triggers
49:30
it or both?
49:31
I think both. I think if you have a
49:33
situation where normal competition
49:36
is being is just kind of like gone
49:38
haywire for some reason, say like the pandemic,
49:40
then it would probably kick in because windfall
49:43
profits are a real possibility. And then say
49:45
anything over you
49:48
know, a twenty percent increase
49:50
in profits is going to get taxed at ninety
49:52
percent or something like that, Like, yeah, you can make the
49:54
profits, but we're going to take away more of it because we got
49:57
to help out these people who are hurting. While
49:59
your benefit, we need to keep things a
50:01
little more even then these
50:03
guys are benefiting, these guys are starving,
50:06
which is the current narrative.
50:08
What you're forgetting, though, Josh, is when corporations
50:10
have these huge windfalls of profits, they
50:13
pass that along to their employees by raising
50:16
their wages and to the consumer eventually
50:18
too. Right, Sure, sure isn't that How isn't
50:20
that how it works? Yeah?
50:21
They drop their prices, right.
50:23
They just don't keep that for themselves, right.
50:25
No, not at all. Well, that's the problem, Like, that's
50:28
where a lot of people are like, Okay, we need to figure
50:30
out just even the basic structure
50:32
of corporations. If the point of a
50:34
corporation is to maximize
50:36
profits for shareholders at all costs,
50:38
at the expense of the economy, at the expense
50:40
of people's lives, health, well
50:42
being, there's something inherently
50:45
broken about that, and we need to fix that. And
50:48
if you ask me, I don't think there's anything inherently
50:51
problematic about capitalism. I think
50:54
people who who
50:56
don't care enough about other people or
50:58
the planet or something like that been allowed
51:00
to come to power over the years, and they're the ones who
51:03
seem to represent capitalism more than others.
51:05
But I don't think that's necessarily like
51:07
a pure capitalist
51:10
format. I think it can be much
51:12
more accommodating of the planet and
51:14
of other people without reverting to socialism
51:17
or communism or anything like that. You can still
51:19
have capitalist a capitalist
51:21
economy, but why can't you also be
51:23
like, you're making way too much money
51:26
and people are starving because
51:28
of all this money you're making. We need to help these people
51:30
out with some of that money, so we're going to tax it. It
51:32
just makes sense to me. I understand that
51:34
a lot of people revile that, and I'm not trying
51:36
to shove my opinion down anyone's throat.
51:39
It just that particular answer
51:42
makes sense to me because this does seem
51:44
like just such a haywire weird
51:47
situation.
51:48
Yeah, and this is especially sort
51:51
of triggering for humans because
51:53
it's food. We're not talking
51:56
about, you know, luxury
51:58
items or you know, other
52:00
weird kinds of inflation that I mean,
52:02
this is something that people literally need
52:05
to live everywhere.
52:08
Right, you know, like recreational pontoons
52:10
aren't what you're talking about, you know, like
52:13
it's really important stuff for
52:15
sure. Yeah, I agree. I think that
52:17
that makes it a different a different conversation than
52:20
if we were talking about a different commodity or
52:22
different.
52:22
I mean, it seems like it. But geez,
52:24
I'm sure we'll hear from people that say
52:27
that we don't know what we're talking about.
52:29
And oh man, we're going to get some ugly
52:31
emails from people. It's
52:33
fine, we can do it.
52:34
Those people don't complain about the
52:36
cost of food.
52:37
I'm sure right, you have a right to your opinion.
52:40
You know, we have a right to our opinion too, so don't
52:42
get mad. You can share your opinion with us, but don't
52:44
get mad at us for sharing ours.
52:46
Yeah. We're just people. Yeah, we
52:48
don't have some We never
52:50
took some oath of neutrality
52:53
right to be podcasters. I think
52:55
people think that sometimes.
52:57
Right, Yeah, for sure, we're just a couple
52:59
of regular dudes, one of whom is
53:01
wearing an awesome hat.
53:02
Right now, walking
53:04
in place.
53:05
Weirdly, you got anything else?
53:08
No, Well, go forth everybody and decide
53:10
is greedflation an evil thing?
53:13
Or is it just normal or what? And if
53:15
you have other solutions to the idea or
53:17
the problem, then I would love
53:19
to hear those, said Tom. And in
53:21
the meantime, I say, Chuck, it's time for a listener maw.
53:24
All right, Hey, guys, just want to say thanks for keeping
53:27
me entertained since the pandemic.
53:29
I've been the office random facts guy.
53:32
I'm already that guy.
53:34
This guy sends random facts to people.
53:36
No, no, no facts, gotcha. Yeah,
53:39
that'd be funny though. It's a good bit. People
53:43
to just hear that sound, that fact sound, and they're
53:46
like, God, Gary's at it. I'm
53:48
sorry, it's Daniel, I'm already that guy
53:50
when it comes to a lot of the things I treat,
53:53
but now it's about all things. Because
53:55
of long rides to Ohio to see
53:58
the family. My toddlers even asked for stuff, you know,
54:01
specifically the fire truck episode that's
54:03
cute makes sense, which can
54:05
be tough to find since I'm currently working
54:08
backwards from newest to oldest. I even
54:10
just found out that Josh and I are.
54:11
Birthday buddies, so oh hey, happy birthday.
54:14
That's right, he says. And not cancers anymore. Did
54:16
they change? Did they change that?
54:18
I don't think so well,
54:20
I'm to look into it. I have felt a
54:22
little different in the last couple of years.
54:24
All right, Thank you all again for the hours
54:27
of enjoyment, laughs and learning. If you do end up reading
54:29
this, would you shout out my wife Lynn, who
54:31
has become a fan. So that is from Daniel
54:34
Klein and Lynn
54:36
and their kids.
54:37
Nice. Thanks a lot, Daniel, thank you for indoctrinating
54:40
your children into stuff you should know. Universe.
54:44
That's right, and they're also listening now to Biblical
54:46
time machine. Okay from Dave
54:48
Ruse.
54:50
Is it biblical or is it Bible time machine?
54:53
Daniel says biblical and I'm not sure and
54:56
we're not going to look it.
54:56
Up right either way. It's a top notch
54:59
Dave Ruse podc And by the way, Dave
55:01
Ruth's helped us with this episode too, so that's very
55:03
appropriate. Double Dave yep
55:06
again, Thank you, Daniel, and if you want to be like Daniel
55:08
and get in touch with us, you can send us
55:10
an email to Stuff Podcasts at iHeartRadio
55:13
dot com. Stuff
55:18
you Should Know is a production of iHeartRadio.
55:21
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