Episode Transcript
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0:05
Hello and welcome to Development Futures, a podcast
0:07
brought to you by the Indo-Pacific Development Center
0:10
here at the Lowy Institute. My
0:12
name is Alexander Dayan, the deputy director
0:14
of the center, and I am your host for this episode.
0:17
In this podcast, our researchers
0:20
and some of the world's leading experts discuss fresh
0:22
policy insights and ideas on the
0:24
most pressing development issues in the world today.
0:28
In this episode, we will be talking about
0:30
the future of the multilateral development banks,
0:32
often referred to as the MDGs.
0:38
More than a year ago, the MDGs embarked on
0:40
an ambitious reform agenda for them to tackle
0:43
the pressing dual challenge of climate change
0:45
and development. Items on
0:47
the agenda involve improving MDB governance
0:49
structures, objectives and targets,
0:51
and creating new financial instruments
0:54
to mobilise public and private capital
0:56
for climate and development investments. And
0:59
this week, finance ministers and other officials
1:01
from around the world are in Marrakesh for
1:03
the world Bank and IMF annual meetings,
1:06
where a lot of attention is put on the
1:08
reform efforts in the work. So
1:10
to discuss those, I am joined by Clemens Landers,
1:13
a senior policy fellow at the center for Global
1:15
Development who focuses on multilateral development
1:17
banks and sustainable development finance.
1:21
Clemens previously worked at the US
1:23
Treasury on US engagement with the NBS
1:25
and also at the world Bank. So she's
1:27
basically one of the best persons to discuss those issues.
1:31
I had the pleasure of meeting Clemens a few
1:33
months ago, when my colleague, Roland Rajan and I
1:35
presented our work on development finance
1:37
at CGD in Washington. And
1:39
since that time, we've had the idea of having her
1:41
as a guest on our new podcast. And
1:44
I'm thrilled that this has finally become a reality.
1:46
So, Clemens, thank you very much
1:48
for taking the time to have a chat today.
1:50
Well, thank you, Alexander, and I'm so pleased to
1:52
be here.
1:52
First, I would like to look at the big picture
1:55
and ask you the following questions. What
1:57
do we mean when we talk about
1:59
MDB reforms generally? I
2:01
mean, what are the primary topics of discussion
2:03
concerning those reforms and
2:05
in the context of the world Bank, IMF
2:08
annual meeting is happening as we speak.
2:10
What do you think is being discussed precisely
2:12
on that specific topic?
2:14
Yeah. Well, you're right to point out
2:16
that there's been a really strong
2:18
spotlight on the MDGs
2:21
since for the past year and the world
2:23
Bank in particular about
2:25
a year ago, actually, Secretary
2:27
Janet Yellen, the US Treasury secretary, made
2:29
a speech around what is
2:31
now called MDB evolution,
2:34
really focused on the fact that it was time
2:36
for for some major changes
2:39
within the system, with a particular focus
2:41
on the world Bank. And she made she
2:43
made the speech about a year ago at the center for Global Development.
2:46
And this is really created an
2:49
enormous amount of momentum, an enormous
2:51
amount of political momentum around
2:53
around reform. And there's been
2:55
especially a lot of a lot of focus on the
2:57
world Bank, which is which has been
3:00
in a lot of ways accelerated by the fact
3:02
that the world Bank also has a new, new president,
3:04
AJ Banga. Um,
3:07
so so what is meant and what what
3:09
really drove drove
3:13
the US Treasury secretary to,
3:15
to start this whole process,
3:17
I think was, was, was was
3:19
really several things. Um, one,
3:22
of course, was the
3:24
Covid crisis really radically changed
3:27
the global economic landscape. Um,
3:30
we really saw a lot of countries
3:33
really struggling to
3:35
access capital markets
3:38
and external financing. And the MDGs
3:41
were really seen to be the
3:44
global safety net. But
3:46
their their response to Covid
3:48
was was uneven. There's there's
3:50
there's quite a bit of literature out there
3:52
and including from from the center for Global
3:55
Development just around you know,
3:57
some for some countries,
3:59
you know, disbursements, you know, weren't moving
4:01
particularly fast. The
4:03
institution for some countries was
4:05
very good on the crisis response and for others
4:07
was less good. And
4:10
there's also a sense that that that the
4:12
world Bank in particular slightly
4:14
missed the boat on things like Covax,
4:16
which was a multilateral funding
4:18
for for vaccinations and simply
4:21
because its own internal rules and procedures
4:24
were too complicated for, for, for
4:26
to participate. And it eventually actually did end
4:28
up participating. But but
4:30
just this feeling that that
4:33
the world Bank really wasn't equipped for the challenges
4:35
of the day, and if it was kind of missing the boat
4:37
on the Covid crisis, what did that
4:39
really say about the World Bank's response
4:41
to the climate crisis, which in a lot of ways
4:43
is like a slower, slower brewing
4:46
Covid crisis, but equally as as existential
4:48
in its nature? Um, and
4:51
against that backdrop, there
4:53
was also a lot of political changes afoot.
4:55
Notably, you know, I've mentioned the United
4:57
States quite a bit. You can see maybe a little bit of my
4:59
Washington bias as I, as I sit here.
5:02
But, you know, there were big changes in the US
5:05
political landscape with
5:07
with the election of Joe Biden and
5:09
really, really sharp turn
5:12
on in terms of foreign policy and economic
5:14
policy priorities. And notably,
5:16
you had you had an administration
5:19
that was that was after the Trump administration
5:21
that was coming in that really wanted to signal
5:24
that it was multilateral,
5:26
um, that that it was
5:29
focused on international issues
5:31
like foreign assistance and that
5:33
it was also going to embrace the climate
5:35
agenda. And so in a lot
5:37
of ways, this really
5:39
created a in a lot of ways, the stars
5:42
were aligned for really big focus and
5:44
a really big rethink of
5:46
of the world Bank and
5:49
the other MDGs by association.
5:52
So what is what is what is kind
5:54
of the meat? Meat on the bones here.
5:57
You know, think it's a couple of different things,
5:59
but in a lot of ways think, you know, you can
6:01
this, this, this evolution. And we can talk
6:03
about it a little bit further means
6:05
a lot of different things to a lot of different shareholders.
6:07
And there's not necessarily complete
6:10
agreement amongst shareholders
6:13
on on where the evolution and
6:15
reform agenda should be, should be headed.
6:17
But think a couple of areas where there
6:19
is broad consensus and think
6:21
this is the easiest and the hardest is
6:24
the system is too small. The to
6:26
the extent that the system is,
6:28
is the global safety net and needs
6:30
to be the source and should be the
6:32
source of a lot of public global investment.
6:36
These together, institutions that are
6:38
together providing 100, $200
6:40
billion a year in financing.
6:42
And that really is a drop bucket in the bucket compared
6:45
to the climate and development challenges
6:48
that a lot of low and middle
6:50
income countries face. So
6:53
that's that's one piece. The second piece
6:55
is really thinking about how the
6:57
these institutions can be more flexible
7:01
and in particular,
7:03
more readily
7:05
to readily engaged on
7:07
climate finance issues. And
7:10
that kind of points to one of the complexities
7:12
in these institutions models is that they're really demand
7:15
driven institutions. It's not
7:17
that the world Bank goes to a country and says,
7:19
we want to invest in this project
7:21
to the contrary, and this is really the
7:24
kind of heart and soul of what
7:26
distinguishes an MDB from a bilateral
7:28
aid agency, for instance, is is it really
7:30
is the country that originates the project and
7:33
says, this is what we want to borrow for.
7:35
So if there's this, this increasing realization
7:37
that we live in a world where there
7:39
are all these existential threats,
7:41
you really want to think about how you're incentivizing
7:44
countries to borrow to
7:47
mitigate these existential threats,
7:49
whether that's climate pandemic,
7:53
you know, fragility, you
7:56
know, kind of what's been put under this rubric
7:58
of, of global public goods. And then
8:00
the third piece, you know, and think this
8:02
is getting a little bit less of a focus,
8:04
but think remains incredibly important,
8:06
is there is this unfinished business of
8:08
development there?
8:11
You know, we are nowhere out of the woods
8:13
in terms of, you know, eradicating
8:15
poverty, you know, think, you
8:17
know, a couple of weeks ago, we had the Unga
8:21
in New York. It was very clear how
8:23
off track the international community
8:25
is on pretty much every single
8:27
SDG. So just
8:29
as you're reinventing new missions for
8:31
these institutions, you also have
8:34
to ensure that they're staying in the course
8:36
on their on their original ones. So,
8:39
you know, that's a lot. So
8:42
what is getting discussed in Marrakesh.
8:45
And I really do want to emphasize
8:47
think Marrakesh is really kind of the
8:50
beginning and not the end point. One
8:52
is, you know, these, again, are
8:55
meetings that are particularly focused on the world Bank and
8:57
not the broader system. One
8:59
is that shareholders
9:01
in the institution have endorsed
9:03
a larger perspective
9:06
on what the World Bank's mission is. So
9:08
after many, many months
9:10
of wordsmithing, they've
9:13
decided to add the bank's
9:15
original mandate. And the mandate is
9:17
the twin goals of of eradicating
9:19
poverty and boosting shared prosperity. They've
9:21
they've they've agreed to add to a livable
9:24
planet. So finance ministers
9:26
who are shareholders in the institution are going to be
9:28
formally endorsing
9:30
this new mandate. So that's
9:32
the big ticket item. But
9:35
for many think that that simply isn't
9:37
isn't going to be enough. It's it's the opening
9:39
salvo in a reform process. But
9:41
but a new mandate is in
9:44
and of itself, not a reform
9:46
agenda.
9:48
Okay, well, putting aside this new mandate,
9:50
then what do you view as the low
9:52
hanging fruit of the reform
9:54
agenda? I mean, what
9:56
changes to the development banks do you think
9:59
will be the simplest to implement with the
10:01
highest impact?
10:02
Well, think maybe maybe kind
10:04
of going back to the financing side. I mean, think
10:06
one of one of the lower
10:09
hanging fruit is
10:11
the fact that there was recently
10:14
a report on this
10:16
is going to sound very dry. So listeners,
10:18
bear with me because I'll make this fun. But
10:21
there was recently a report called the The
10:24
Calf Report, which, which
10:26
reviewed the capital adequacy frameworks
10:28
of these institutions. And it basically
10:30
found that most
10:32
multilateral development banks manage their finances
10:34
very conservatively. And
10:37
because they manage their finances so conservatively,
10:39
they're potentially holding back a lot
10:41
of development finance. So
10:44
one of the the interesting
10:46
perspective that the authors of this report
10:48
took was there were a few small changes that
10:51
these banks can make, changing
10:53
how they provision for loans,
10:55
changing what's known as their equity to loan
10:58
ratios, changing how
11:00
they view something called callable capital, which I promise
11:02
I won't get into. But
11:05
a couple of things like this, actually
11:07
not a couple of pretty sturdy list
11:09
of things could be enough to really unlock
11:12
quite a bit of financing. And so
11:14
in a lot of ways, you
11:16
know, this calf review and a lot of these
11:18
findings are very
11:21
easy ways of really increasing
11:23
the amount of headroom that
11:25
the multilateral development banks can be,
11:28
then providing as loans to their client countries
11:30
without necessarily having to go
11:33
to shareholders to ask for more
11:35
cash. The bigger difficulties
11:37
in this reform agenda is everyone wants
11:39
the institutions to do more and to change.
11:42
But as you know, you know very well
11:44
and everyone in the development finance space
11:46
knows very well this is not a particularly
11:50
this is not a particularly glorious time
11:52
for general the generosity
11:55
of bilateral donors to especially
11:57
to multilateral institutions. So,
11:59
so this, this, this capital adequacy review is
12:01
kind of the way it's often described as the bank is,
12:04
is a way of squeezing a little bit more out of the
12:06
lemon and, and think in a lot
12:08
of ways the institutions really have
12:10
embraced these mean for some it's been a
12:12
little bit too slow to embrace these reforms,
12:14
but they have embraced these reforms and have
12:16
put forward some pretty, you know, not
12:18
enormous but good consequential
12:21
new headroom numbers.
12:24
I think the world Bank put
12:26
out said that, that by implementing some
12:28
of these reforms that could generate an extra 100 billion over
12:30
the next ten years. So
12:32
some, some pretty good ambitious numbers
12:36
linked to the agenda. So,
12:39
you know, and so hopefully that's something that,
12:41
you know, the the momentum on on that
12:43
side will continue.
12:44
Well very good. Now I would like to
12:46
talk to you about the global public goods
12:48
or the JRPGs that you mentioned earlier.
12:51
So for our listeners, global
12:53
public goods are goods and resources that benefit
12:56
everyone. They are non excludable
12:58
so no one can be excluded from using them.
13:00
And they are non rivalrous, meaning
13:02
that using them doesn't actually reduce their availability
13:05
to others. Example of
13:07
JRPGs include climate change mitigation,
13:09
communicable disease prevention and global
13:11
peace and security. Um,
13:14
and the global public goods are, in my mind,
13:16
at the centre of the MDB reform agenda,
13:19
as the MDGs are under pressure to
13:21
expand and adapt to address global needs,
13:23
including through the provision of those global
13:25
public goods. Now,
13:28
the problem is that for some developing countries,
13:31
borrowing for GPG programs
13:33
at the domestic level can be challenging
13:35
due to fiscal constraints, for instance,
13:37
or different national priorities.
13:40
And so to make these loans more appealing
13:42
to these countries. Institutions
13:44
like the world Bank may need to actually sweeten
13:47
the deal, often involving subsidies,
13:49
which translates into increased
13:52
grant funding. But given the
13:54
limited budget of organisations like
13:56
the world Bank and other MDGs, allocating
13:58
more grants for climate
14:00
and similar global public goods could actually
14:03
result in reduced grant
14:05
funding available for other developmental
14:07
issues. So my question
14:10
to you is this is there a trade
14:12
off between financing for climate
14:14
and financing for development?
14:17
Yeah. No. Thank you for this question. It's I
14:19
think this question really just cuts right
14:21
to the heart of the matter and right into the really
14:24
where a lot of the the traffic
14:26
jam is right now in a lot of ways, in terms of
14:29
the reform agenda and in particular,
14:31
I was making, you know, earlier this point around
14:33
the fact that these organisations
14:35
are demand driven organisations.
14:38
So the question then becomes, well, how
14:40
do you incentivise countries to want
14:42
to do things differently
14:44
and to borrow for different kinds of programs? But
14:46
as you said, the
14:49
it's hard to get countries to want to borrow
14:51
for JPGs because you are basically
14:55
taking out resources. Borrowing
14:58
money for a project that
15:00
does not necessarily generate or
15:02
generally does not generate a cash flow.
15:05
And for which you as a as
15:07
a nation, may not be capturing the benefits
15:10
of the project. And so there's a
15:12
really core, really systemic
15:15
change here in
15:17
thinking and in models that the
15:19
MDGs need to embrace if they're
15:21
going to move towards this agenda. But
15:23
as you also pointed out and
15:26
think this is another element of real
15:28
tension and negotiation and debate right
15:30
now, is that the
15:32
logical path towards financing
15:35
more JRPGs is therefore not
15:37
necessarily to finance them through loans,
15:40
but to really use grants
15:42
much more systematically,
15:45
either to concessional loans
15:47
to cheapen the terms of the loans or actually
15:49
just pure grants to finance some
15:52
of these projects. And then that
15:54
creates a real
15:56
trade off, because if
15:58
you need to fundraise for grants
16:01
and you're also needing to fundraise for your
16:03
concessional lending windows for your for course
16:06
countries, you create a trade
16:08
off when a donor says, okay, well, do I give
16:10
my dollar to help fight poverty
16:12
in the lowest income countries? Or do I give
16:14
my dollar to
16:16
finance global
16:19
public good that
16:21
benefits everyone equally? And
16:24
there's also an added element in the politics
16:26
of climate change. Come in. Here is a lot
16:28
of countries are saying to the rich countries
16:31
at these institutions, as you're imposing
16:33
this global public good agenda
16:36
on us, but you,
16:38
because of how you grew and how you prospered,
16:40
created the global public bad
16:43
that now you are using development resources
16:46
to try to mitigate. And so
16:48
there's there we're currently
16:50
in a moment where there's a tremendous
16:52
amount of debate,
16:54
but also, I would say distrust
16:58
within the system around, you know,
17:00
the intentions of a lot of the
17:03
advanced economies that are that are really pushing
17:05
for these reforms of saying, you know, you're
17:07
you're really using a dollars towards
17:09
purposes that really aren't necessarily
17:11
particularly aid related. They're very self-interested.
17:15
So as a result, you know, there really
17:17
isn't right now a
17:19
very clear offer for
17:22
how it is that these institutions
17:24
will finance JRPGs. The
17:28
has a small fund on its balance
17:30
sheet called the fund, which was set
17:32
up a couple of, I think, in 2018.
17:35
And it's financed mainly through
17:37
through net income. So that's the profit
17:40
that the organization makes. Some of its
17:42
profit goes into financing this fund. But
17:44
it's it's very small. Think it's not
17:46
more than 100 $100 million has
17:48
gone into this. There
17:50
are some proposals out there to create
17:52
an entirely new window
17:56
that would be completely
17:58
financed, separate from the again,
18:01
but by donors, and
18:04
that those proposals create that new window,
18:06
invite the kind of criticism that I that
18:08
I presented earlier. Um,
18:10
and then there are there is some interest
18:12
in, in, in figuring
18:15
out some other slightly more innovative
18:17
quote unquote mechanisms to fund
18:19
JRPGs. Um,
18:22
you know, through, you know, guarantees,
18:25
maybe things like debt for nature swaps. I'm again,
18:27
a little bit more skeptical of the financial
18:29
innovation around some of
18:31
these things because I kind of, you know,
18:33
you kind of have to go back to, you know, at its
18:35
core, what is it? You know, it really
18:38
is something where there's not a cash flow associated
18:40
with it. I don't necessarily
18:42
think, for instance, a solar farm in its
18:45
pure sense of the terms is a global public good.
18:47
I mean, that's a project that's economically
18:49
viable generally with a cash flow
18:51
that creates a return. I
18:54
think much more of a is like telling
18:56
a country, don't, you know, preserve
18:58
your preserve your rainforest.
19:00
Um, you know, there's not a cash
19:02
flow really that's associated with that. But the
19:04
benefits of us, the world having
19:06
the Amazon rainforest are tremendous.
19:09
Um, so,
19:12
you know, think right now this is,
19:14
you know, and this is why said this question is the heart of the matter
19:16
is this is one of the impasses that we currently
19:18
find ourselves in, on,
19:21
on, on this kind of broader reform agenda
19:23
around JRPGs. And, you know, it will
19:25
be interesting to see where
19:27
this comes out. But part of where
19:30
this I don't see a
19:32
successful road towards
19:35
a focused MDB
19:37
without much more grant
19:39
resources. And I struggle with
19:42
whether or not that is a politically realistic
19:44
proposition in the day and age in which we are.
19:46
All right. Well, just to rebound on this example
19:49
of the solar farm, you
19:51
mentioned that you don't necessarily see it as a global
19:53
public good, but actually, don't you think it
19:55
really depends on where this project
19:57
is being implemented? For
20:00
instance, you know, a small solar farm
20:02
in the Pacific might not necessarily have
20:04
a similar impact to. A large scale one in
20:06
Indonesia. Indonesia is
20:08
a much larger theater emitter than Fiji.
20:10
So what underlies the
20:12
argument that a solar farm in Indonesia isn't
20:14
necessarily considered a global
20:16
public good, despite its potential to
20:18
significantly reduce global emissions?
20:21
Yeah. Mean think think. It has components,
20:24
especially if you can say the solar farm,
20:27
you know, displaced a
20:29
dirtier form of energy
20:32
and think you can say there there
20:34
are aspects that investment,
20:36
but think in the purest term
20:38
of the sense of what A is,
20:41
I, I don't
20:44
think it fully enters that box. And,
20:46
and in particular, when you're thinking about
20:48
this framework of, you know,
20:50
grant financing, there are a lot of countries
20:53
that borrow from the world Bank
20:55
for solar. Let's stay with
20:57
this example where
20:59
these are very economically viable
21:02
investments for the country. Now
21:04
they have the added benefit. And this is the
21:06
added benefit of renewables, of
21:08
being good for the world. Right.
21:11
But they are also
21:13
economically. The
21:16
country also reaps the economic
21:18
advantage of that project
21:20
and think this in a lot of ways. And this is
21:22
this is, you know, you know, an interesting
21:25
point you make is, is one of the approaches
21:27
the bank is, is trying to take of kind
21:29
of saying, you know, there aren't that many
21:32
projects that in their
21:34
purest, pure sense,
21:36
RPGs. So let's
21:38
think of ways that we can do a national
21:41
project. And
21:43
include a type
21:45
component. So I'm going to wade into territory
21:48
in which I'm not an expert. But, you
21:50
know, my health colleagues would say,
21:52
you know, you could think about this in the health
21:54
sector of, you know, if the world Bank is doing
21:57
a big health sector investment
21:59
in a country to
22:01
also have a component on that that's,
22:04
you know, prevention focused, or
22:06
maybe it's a prevention focused component that's
22:09
linking into some sort of a regional
22:11
prevent supervision network.
22:13
And so you then have had this,
22:15
this project that has strong national
22:17
benefits and
22:19
for which that makes absolute sense for the country
22:22
to kind of finance and use its Ida allocation
22:24
or its world Bank allocation to borrow from.
22:27
But there's also a little layer of
22:29
this project on top that
22:31
has a regional or
22:33
a slightly more global component,
22:35
and that sits
22:38
much more naturally
22:41
within the world Bank
22:43
MDB type model.
22:46
Well. Well that's interesting. You
22:48
know, at the institute, we do have some projects tracing
22:50
what we call climate development finance in Southeast
22:52
Asia and in the Pacific. And what
22:55
we found is that sometimes what constitutes
22:57
a climate adaptation and mitigation projects can
22:59
actually vary from one development partners
23:01
to the next. There's quite a bit of
23:03
inconsistency which makes the quantification
23:06
of climate development finance challenging. And
23:09
so listening to you make me think that, you know, we might
23:11
face the same problems with global
23:13
public goods in the future. And so I
23:15
really hope that standards of transparency will be improved
23:18
across the board in the future. But that's
23:20
that's another issue. Look,
23:23
earlier you talked about the fact that the
23:25
world Bank and other MDGs are
23:27
demand driven. But
23:29
what we've seen is that for many countries, borrowing
23:32
for from MDGs can be a complex
23:34
and actually resource intensive exercise which
23:36
sometimes discourage borrowers. For
23:39
instance, infrastructure lending can be complex
23:41
to navigate. You know, MDB is applying stringent
23:43
environmental and social safeguards, which,
23:46
you know, play a critical role
23:48
in protecting vulnerable groups and
23:50
environments. But they often fail to provide
23:53
the time and financial resources
23:55
needed. So how can
23:57
we improve the demand for MDB
23:59
financing, making them more cost effective
24:01
with maybe less red tape, but at the same
24:03
time ensuring the high quality
24:06
of those funding?
24:08
Yeah. This is this is a fascinating question
24:10
and I. I think you're
24:12
seeing this, this play out in
24:15
a lot of different contexts. A
24:18
lot of countries prefer to go to
24:20
China to borrow for infrastructure
24:23
projects, though, that
24:25
type of borrowing seems to be going down.
24:27
But they're
24:29
faster, less strings attached.
24:32
For a country know you're operating in real
24:34
time and and you you
24:36
want to have a project built not
24:39
in geological time, but in real, actual
24:42
human time. And,
24:44
you know, another another example
24:46
of this is, you know, we especially,
24:49
you know, during Covid saw a lot of countries
24:52
going to the bond markets for
24:54
emergency financing, even if, you
24:56
know, spreads were, you know, 300
24:59
basis points over what they could have been getting
25:01
from the world Bank. And again,
25:03
it's, you know, that's just faster money. And
25:05
countries seem very much it's,
25:07
you know, with certain countries at certain moments in
25:09
time, seem very willing to pay extra
25:12
for faster money with fewer strings
25:14
attached. I think this is actually
25:17
a problem that is not gone unnoticed.
25:20
And it was interesting. AJ Banga,
25:22
who was the new president of the world Bank, was
25:25
recently at the Council for Foreign
25:27
Relations, which is another US based
25:29
think tank. And at the end
25:31
someone asked him what? What are what is
25:33
your big priority for the institution? And one of
25:35
the things he said is I want to fix the plumbing, which
25:38
doesn't sound particularly glorious
25:40
until you really actually think, you
25:42
know, moving, moving things forward
25:45
and faster is is in itself
25:48
a really important part of
25:50
development. And
25:53
the organization in a lot of ways,
25:55
especially, you know, especially the world Bank
25:57
is under a lot of pressure to adhere to very
26:00
strong safeguard standards
26:02
and standards, which
26:04
are, you know, obviously important and obviously
26:07
kind of how part, you know, part and parcel
26:09
of the model that the world Bank
26:11
offers that differs from
26:13
China and may make world Bank financing
26:16
more sustainable than China financing over the longer
26:18
term, that's a whole different podcast,
26:20
but you really need to
26:22
think of a way of how do you reconcile these high
26:25
standards with moving, moving
26:27
forward faster, because this is clearly
26:29
part of what client countries
26:31
are demanding from the institution.
26:33
And it's and it's quite frankly, I think it's very
26:36
encouraging to have a world Bank president who's,
26:38
who's talking about this early
26:40
on in the presidency. We'll
26:43
see. You know, a lot of this, you know,
26:45
is going to be very political to unlock.
26:48
But, you know, there's I think
26:50
this is you know, you were asking a little bit earlier about
26:53
low hanging fruit. I do think there are there are elements
26:55
here of that that that just can
26:57
be advanced a lot faster. And I'll
26:59
just say one one more thing. Um,
27:03
during during the Covid crisis,
27:06
a colleague and I did did a little
27:08
bit of a piece of research on world
27:10
Bank budget support operations and budgets. World.
27:12
The MDGs basically provide two
27:15
main kinds of programs.
27:17
One is projects based
27:19
financing and the other one is just unrestricted
27:21
financing for a country's country's
27:24
budget. And budget support tends
27:26
to have policy conditionality. And
27:28
we went through all the different budget support operations
27:31
during Covid and found
27:33
that operations were full of policy conditionality
27:35
that had nothing to do with the Covid crisis.
27:38
And that just seems like
27:40
an enormous, again, missed opportunity,
27:42
right? I mean, you don't you don't
27:44
want to be forcing
27:48
countries to do all of these complicated
27:50
things in an emergency.
27:53
The complicated things are for another moment in
27:55
time. So again,
27:58
think this, this kind of thing needs to be part of
28:00
the rethink of the plumbing.
28:03
Okay. Well just to rebound on this comments
28:05
on on budget support. During
28:07
the pandemic, we've seen a resurgence of the use
28:09
of direct budget support in the Pacific
28:12
as a swift way for development partners
28:14
to provide emergency financing to those
28:16
countries in the in the region
28:18
at a time where international borders were closed
28:20
and travel was restricted. And
28:22
now today, most Pacific Island countries
28:25
are actually facing high risk of distress, according
28:27
to the IMF. Yet
28:29
our analysis of early numbers show that the
28:31
use of budget support is here to stay. So how
28:33
do we make sure that we continue to use budget
28:35
support, which actually provides
28:37
quick and in the case of the Pacific,
28:39
concessional financing, while
28:41
also considering the debt sustainability issue
28:43
in the Pacific, but also in the broader developing
28:46
world.
28:47
Yeah. No. And that's a very. It's
28:51
very timely question to. Mean one
28:53
of the things about how
28:55
the world Bank and MDPs provide financing
28:57
to lower income countries. And
29:00
this is, I think, one of their real
29:02
strengths and why they're very,
29:06
very reliable partner for a
29:08
lot of these countries is when these countries enter
29:10
into what's called high distress. All
29:14
of their loans automatically switch
29:16
to grants. So the
29:18
idea behind this is that
29:20
the MDB should not be
29:22
contributing to the country's
29:25
debt distressed position. One
29:28
of the weaknesses here, though,
29:30
is that doesn't mean
29:32
even though Ida
29:34
can start providing as grants
29:37
which come with a cost because
29:39
grants at the end of the day do decrease
29:41
the amount of volume over time that you can obtain.
29:44
It doesn't necessarily mean that the country
29:46
has to pursue grant financing
29:48
from all of their creditors.
29:51
So it creates this, this, this
29:54
strange situation sometimes
29:56
where a country is simultaneously
29:58
getting its money from Ida in the form of
30:00
grants, but also, you know, issuing
30:03
Eurobond Eurobonds
30:05
that, you know, 10%. And
30:07
and and I do think this is this
30:10
is something where there is an opportunity
30:12
for, for a little bit of a rethink
30:14
is, is, you know, what is what
30:16
is Ida's role and not just itself
30:19
being responsible lender. But
30:22
have helped a bit of encouraging
30:24
countries to kind of, once they've
30:26
flipped into that high debt distress
30:28
territory where, you know, their
30:31
debt is no longer on a sustainable
30:33
path. How does that also
30:36
change their relationship with with the rest
30:38
of the creditors? And and this isn't really
30:40
fully something that has been
30:43
been worked out. The institutions
30:45
have, you know, both the IMF and world Bank
30:47
have rules that are supposed to limit
30:49
how much non-concessional debt a country can
30:51
take out. They also
30:54
have little carrots and sticks that
30:56
can either penalize a country if it goes beyond
30:59
its non-concessional lending headroom. But
31:01
think these carrots and sticks in particular
31:04
are actually pretty. Not
31:07
not necessarily as as effective
31:09
as as they could be. But,
31:12
you know, in a lot of ways, I do think,
31:14
you know, we
31:17
are, you know, in terms of debt, really seeing a breakdown
31:20
in terms of how creditors cooperate
31:22
and in terms of multilateralism. And one of the things
31:24
that I, you know, would really
31:27
love to see amongst major
31:29
creditors, especially like let's
31:31
put the commercial creditors aside because this isn't going to happen,
31:33
but, you know, official creditors, so multilateral
31:36
and bilateral is just an agreement
31:38
to follow the Ida rules.
31:40
Once a country has gone into high levels of debt distress,
31:43
the automatic rule is that should be triggering
31:45
grants.
31:46
Well, that's a great idea actually, and
31:48
would definitely help making the current high debt
31:50
situation in developing countries more manageable.
31:53
Thanks. Thanks for sharing. Now,
31:56
you mentioned China in your previous answer.
31:58
And so I'd like to ask you about the
32:00
impact of the US-China competition in
32:02
the context of reforms. Both
32:05
countries compete not only economically but also
32:07
in the area of development finance.
32:10
In the world Bank, for instance, the United
32:12
States is the largest shareholders
32:14
in China is the rising number two, but
32:16
also the major borrowers and in turn
32:18
the largest voice for the bank's borrowers.
32:22
And so the deteriorating bilateral
32:24
relationship between the United States and China
32:26
poses a threat to the governance of the
32:28
bank. In this context,
32:30
do you think the US-China competition
32:33
make makes the
32:35
broader MDB reforms impossible?
32:38
And if this is the case, what action
32:40
should be taken by both parties to address
32:42
the situation effectively?
32:44
Yeah, that's that's a. That's
32:47
an intense question, and I'm going to answer
32:49
you very bluntly, is I think the biggest risk
32:52
for a successful reform
32:55
agenda is actually the state of
32:57
the relationship. As you
32:59
said, the bilateral relationship is not good.
33:02
And in previous
33:04
iterations of the relationship
33:08
when it had been better. US-China
33:11
cooperation were really an important
33:13
motor, especially for the world
33:15
Bank. And and you really
33:17
saw China.
33:21
Especially in the context of of
33:23
Ida replenishment. China really stepping
33:26
up increasingly as
33:28
a more and more important source
33:30
of grant financing for
33:33
for a lot of the concessional windows. So
33:35
so there really did seem to
33:37
be on the part of a willingness.
33:39
And this was this was much more
33:41
prevalent under the Obama administration, a willingness
33:44
to bring China into these international
33:47
institutions. And then China
33:49
wanted to act as a good participant
33:52
in these institutions. And
33:54
and that, you know, was was,
33:56
I think, a really important motor for the world,
33:58
frankly, that has
34:00
stopped. The two countries
34:02
are not seeking cooperation
34:05
and coordination on on reform
34:07
the way they were there. That
34:10
level of partnership just
34:12
does not seem to be there anymore and
34:14
think that is that is a
34:17
big risk for the institutions, frankly, think it's a big
34:19
risk for the world. You know, I mean, we
34:21
are talking about global public goods and climate change
34:23
and all of these things that require collective action.
34:25
And if the two largest global economies
34:28
don't see eye to eye on
34:30
these issues or aren't willing to cooperate
34:32
on them, I just don't see how we can
34:34
hope to really solve them in the
34:36
swift and effective way we need to.
34:39
Now, more specifically
34:41
on on the world Bank side, one
34:44
of the issues that I was mentioning earlier was,
34:46
was funding and how important
34:48
thought funding was. So
34:51
the historically world Bank and
34:53
this is the so that part of the world Bank
34:55
that lends to middle income countries
34:57
is funded through capital increases. And
35:00
generally what happens is during a capital increase,
35:02
there's there's a shareholder realignment. So
35:04
you look at a country's shareholding and then
35:06
you decide, okay, based on the
35:08
World Bank's shareholding formula, or are they overweight,
35:10
underweight and the
35:13
latest shareholding exercise that has shown
35:15
that China's China is really underweight
35:17
at the world Bank, it's currently the
35:19
third largest shareholder. It should be the second largest
35:22
shareholder, which would allow it, which would actually
35:24
allow it to overtake Japan. So
35:26
there's huge there's huge geopolitical
35:28
implications here. I
35:30
think one of the reasons for which
35:33
the US has been reluctant to pursue a
35:35
capital increase negotiation in
35:38
the context of this reform agenda. So
35:40
it has really been reluctant to talk
35:42
about financing or
35:44
growing the institution through a capital increase.
35:47
Is is because they're afraid of
35:49
this can of worms that a shareholder
35:52
realignment opens up. And
35:54
I think that's I think that's frankly,
35:57
you know, very unfortunate. I think it's very
35:59
unfortunate for, for the institution
36:01
because I do think, you know, there are a lot of
36:04
different you know, we talked about the CAF reforms and
36:06
we you know, there are a lot of different ways that you
36:08
can grow a balance sheet. But the most tried
36:10
and trusted in effective way is
36:13
through capital. So,
36:15
you know, and so think in a lot of ways that
36:17
leaves the organization at a little bit
36:19
of an impasse, because there's not
36:21
unity of vision amongst China and
36:23
the United States towards where these
36:26
negotiations and where the reform agenda
36:28
should be heading in terms of policy.
36:30
But there's also a huge disunity
36:33
in terms of how do you financially
36:36
grow the organization. And
36:38
that just unity, as I was saying, is, you
36:40
know, there's a lot of geo complex
36:43
geopolitical linkages there. So
36:45
I, I am not
36:47
optimistic on on this front.
36:50
All right. Well, now I would like to
36:52
talk about the billions to trillions concept.
36:54
The billions to trillions concept was first
36:57
introduced at the third International Conference
36:59
on Financing for Development in Addis Ababa
37:01
in 2015. The idea is
37:03
basically that billions of multilateral finance
37:05
and official development assistance should be used
37:07
to mobilize trillions of private investments
37:10
for climate and development. But
37:12
even though AJ Banga, the new
37:14
world Bank president, seems to be very
37:16
enthusiastic about encouraging private capital
37:18
to contribute to development, progress
37:21
in that regard has been limited so far.
37:24
So what are your thoughts on the potential
37:26
for this to happen, and what strategies
37:28
can be employed to achieve this?
37:31
Yeah, the built in the billions to trillions
37:33
agenda. You know, one of one of
37:35
the ideas animating that was really, you know,
37:37
$1. In
37:40
development finance and public finance
37:42
can mobilise about $10 in private
37:44
finance, which is just
37:47
an enormous ratio. The
37:50
latest numbers that I've seen is at best
37:52
we're on. We're at 1 to 1. More
37:55
generally think it's about 1 to 0.7.
37:58
So so the billions to trillions agenda
38:00
has not has not materialised.
38:03
And there isn't a lot of focus on it.
38:05
It's been it's been re renamed
38:07
as private capital mobilisation now.
38:10
And it's very clearly a priority
38:12
of of of the new world Bank president.
38:15
He's created a lab focus
38:18
specifically on this this issue with a lot of
38:21
eminent private sector representatives.
38:24
You know. I'm
38:27
of two minds, frankly, on this gender.
38:30
I think, you know, from a political perspective.
38:32
Think the billions, trillions agenda was a
38:34
little bit of a of a donor
38:36
agenda saying, you know, we need all
38:38
this money for the world.
38:40
There are huge challenges, but we
38:43
aren't really fully going to pay for
38:45
it. And ergo, let's
38:47
kind of create this,
38:49
you know, self-fulfilling prophecy
38:51
that our dollars can really stretch
38:54
and bring in, bring in all of this private
38:56
capital.
38:58
And.
39:00
And I think that in a lot of ways has done
39:02
a lot of damage, because a lot of
39:04
countries, you know, especially a lot of developing
39:06
countries, kind of look back and say. Where
39:09
is it? Where did it come? Where what? What
39:11
happened? And and
39:13
so, you know, think part of the
39:16
let's call billions of trillions
39:18
2.0 private capital mobilization.
39:20
Sorry for the acronym. Is
39:22
to really think about this in the context of much
39:24
more anchored targets.
39:27
I think that 1 to 10 ratio
39:30
is a little bit. You
39:33
know, unrealistic. So
39:35
let's ground this conversation in
39:37
more realistic terms. So
39:39
think that's that's a first start. And
39:42
you know of course you know
39:44
you know think there's a big actually. And
39:46
this allows me to say this is think, you know, one
39:48
of one of the pieces that's a little bit overlooked
39:50
when you look at some of the literature that's
39:52
come out around the evolution roadmap, is there's
39:54
not so much discussion of the IFC and
39:57
of Miga, and these are the private sector
39:59
financing arms of the world Bank.
40:02
But there's also an interesting question
40:04
about financing instruments. We've
40:07
been talking throughout this entire conversation about
40:09
loans and grants, but there
40:11
are other kinds of instruments that these MDGs
40:13
provide, for instance, guarantees.
40:15
And when you go back to the articles of
40:18
agreement of,
40:20
of the, for
40:22
instance, the international Bank for Reconstruction and Development,
40:25
they were really intended to be
40:27
an institution that was mainly providing guarantees,
40:30
and guarantees are much
40:32
more effective at leveraging
40:35
private finance than loans are.
40:37
So one of the points
40:39
that I'm really making is that, you know, if you
40:41
really want to kind of focus on,
40:44
you know, getting more
40:46
private capital in, it really does
40:48
require changing a lot of the instrument mix
40:50
that these institutions are using. And
40:53
I really do think move
40:55
a little bit more towards guarantee financing
40:57
through guarantees could
40:59
be a very appealing one for a lot of the different
41:02
client countries of the bank. The
41:04
second thing, though, that I will say
41:06
is, you know, one
41:08
of the other really big shifts that we've had
41:10
over over the past several
41:13
years is, you know, we're
41:16
now in a very high interest rate global environment.
41:19
And I do wonder,
41:21
it was, you know, during a time
41:24
of benign interest rates when investors were
41:26
starving for yield and really looking
41:28
for investments in emerging markets
41:30
and low income countries, you know,
41:32
and this was a time when interest rates were low. Now
41:34
there's a whole change
41:36
in kind of global risk appetite with interest
41:38
rates going up. And it really that search for yield
41:40
changes. Investors can stay
41:43
you know in advanced economies and get that
41:45
yield. You know that really can
41:47
change a lot of the equation to around
41:49
around the billions of trillions agenda
41:51
and around private capital mobilization. And if we
41:53
couldn't do it in a benign interest rate environment,
41:56
the higher interest rate environment, I think,
41:58
also makes it that much
42:00
more complicated. And just one more point
42:02
on this. This is also
42:04
an interesting conversation because it does link
42:07
back to some of the conversation
42:09
that we were talking had, were having earlier around
42:11
global public goods. And in particular,
42:14
you know, if you want to use
42:16
your concessional financing or your grant financing
42:19
to bring in private capital, is that
42:21
the best use of your money?
42:24
Is it is it really on private sector investments,
42:27
or is it on the public sector side? And,
42:29
you know, a lot of a lot of criticism
42:31
of the billions of trillions, it's you're using
42:33
a lot of development finance to de-risk and ultimately
42:36
subsidize private sector,
42:38
taking a lot of the putting a lot of the
42:40
risk on the public sector, but
42:43
not the upside and putting, you know,
42:45
really de-risking the private sector. So
42:47
so this is this is really turned into
42:49
quite a complicated, ferocious
42:52
debate in a lot of ways and can say it's
42:55
in particular, we do not have a unified
42:57
view on this. And this is one of the topics in development
42:59
finance where we are
43:01
often internally most most in disagreement.
43:04
All right. Well, look, I hope this, this
43:06
Lowy Institute podcast will not contribute
43:08
to additional disagreement at committee. I
43:11
have two last questions for you. For
43:13
the first one, I would like to take a step back
43:15
and look at the MDB reforms overall.
43:18
Do you think the current reforms go far
43:20
enough, and if not, what else needs to
43:22
be done?
43:23
Look, I mean, as it as it stands right now,
43:26
I don't think that the
43:28
institutions have done enough.
43:30
I don't think shareholders have done enough. I think
43:32
there's this is this is a little
43:34
bit more of a marathon than a sprint.
43:37
And and again, you know,
43:39
I really do repeat myself here, but
43:41
I really think part of this is I
43:43
think these institutions need to be a lot bigger.
43:46
I think these are this is the global safety
43:48
net. We need a bigger global safety net.
43:51
And there was a lot of. Speed
43:55
bumps to growing these. These organizations
43:57
and think until there's there's an agreement
43:59
on on what big or how to get
44:01
these organizations bigger. We're going to be at
44:03
an impasse around
44:05
the reform agenda. And that makes me very,
44:07
very concerned.
44:09
Okay. Well, that's actually a very good segment to my last
44:11
question. So in this podcast,
44:13
we'd like to conclude by asking our
44:15
guests for their big ideas on the topic
44:17
that we've covered in the show. I would like
44:19
to ask you this. What is your big ideas
44:22
for reshaping the multilateral development banks
44:24
and making them more efficient and better tailored for
44:26
tackling global challenges in supporting sustainable
44:28
development?
44:29
Well, you know, think we've touched on all
44:31
aspects of this in a lot of ways. So I'm going
44:33
to give you a slightly provocative answer.
44:37
I mean, think, you know, faster
44:40
institutions, bigger institutions,
44:42
more agile institutions, institutions
44:44
that can finance different kinds
44:47
of projects, but that are also still
44:49
focused on the poorest of the poor
44:51
and really on development.
44:54
I think we need all of that. And I think there's there's
44:56
right now, because
44:58
of the year of focus, we
45:00
are not at a time where there's a dearth of
45:02
good ideas. I don't think that
45:04
there's ever been so much written about the multilateral
45:07
development banks than there has in the past years, whether it's
45:09
by the institutions, by by
45:11
the governments that are shareholders,
45:13
by, you
45:15
know, think tanks, some think tanks.
45:19
So my wish for the world
45:21
is I think and
45:23
and and this is you know,
45:26
this is inspired by, by a suggestion
45:28
of a former colleague, you know, was kind of
45:30
making slyly on Twitter
45:32
is I think we need an international moratorium
45:35
for a year on all of these high
45:37
level global convenings
45:39
and think we need to start getting
45:41
some work done. This
45:44
year has been frenetic,
45:46
uh, traveling from
45:49
capital to capital. When
45:51
you look at the declarations and
45:53
the statements that are coming out of these summits,
45:55
they are very mushy. They
45:58
are both promising the world and promising
46:00
the moon and promising the universe
46:02
without really anything
46:05
concrete behind them.
46:07
And I think it's time to start
46:10
talking a little bit less and
46:12
doing a little bit more, because
46:14
we are really inhabiting this time
46:16
where we have some very lofty rhetoric
46:18
out there and not a huge
46:21
amount to show for it. So
46:23
I would like us all to
46:26
get to work.
46:28
Yeah, well, that's actually a great idea. And you
46:30
could also argue that such a moratorium would
46:32
also drastically reduce the carbon footprint of
46:34
NDB. So overall, it'd be very good for the planet.
46:37
There are there are many good externalities
46:39
that could come from this. We can start by
46:41
doing it for six months and then see how that
46:43
goes.
46:44
Well, this is all what we have time for today,
46:46
Clémence. Merci book. We thank you very much
46:48
for sharing your thoughts on those topics.
46:50
This this was really fascinating.
46:52
My pleasure. This was a wonderful conversation.
46:54
You've been listening to Development Features, a
46:56
podcast from the Indo-Pacific Development Center
46:58
at the Lowy Institute, hosted by institute
47:01
experts and produced by my colleague Josh Goodwin.
47:03
Development futures is part of the Lowy Institute
47:05
Podcast Network. Find all
47:07
our podcast series on our website.
47:10
Lowe institute.org/publications.
47:14
Thanks for listening.
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