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0:00
Hello and
0:03
welcome to the GZERO World Podcast. I'm Ian
0:05
Bremmer, and this is where you can find
0:07
extended versions of my show on public television.
0:10
And on the pod today, I'm taking
0:12
you to court, the Supreme Court. In
0:14
a matter of weeks, the highest court
0:16
in the land will issue decisions on
0:18
cases that will impact everything from gun
0:20
ownership to reproductive rights, to housing laws,
0:22
to voting maps, to the power of
0:24
government agencies. It comes at
0:27
a time when approval for the court is
0:29
at an all-time low. I'm
0:31
welcoming back to the show, Emily Bazelon,
0:33
to preview some of the most important
0:35
rulings to come. She teaches
0:37
at Yale Law School, co-hosts the
0:40
popular Slate Political Gap Fest podcast,
0:42
and is a staff writer at the New York Times Magazine.
0:45
Let's get to it. The
0:55
GZERO World Podcast is brought to
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1:00
Prologis helps businesses across the globe
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addressing the critical initiatives of global
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logistics today. Learn more
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at prologis.com. Emily
1:21
Bazelon, welcome back to GZERO. Thanks
1:24
so much for having me. So much to
1:26
talk about, as always, with the
1:28
Supreme Court and the major cases
1:30
now that everyone paying attention to
1:33
is impact on
1:35
this election, specifically right
1:37
now with rulings coming
1:39
on immunity. What
1:41
are you surprised about in the way this has gone so far?
1:44
Well, I was surprised by the
1:46
argument before the Supreme Court in
1:48
April because it seemed going in
1:51
that this was a pretty clear
1:53
case, that Trump's claim that he
1:55
has absolute immunity for acts
1:57
he committed in office is just too
1:59
broad. that this is this idea that the
2:01
president is not bound by the rule of law,
2:03
the lower courts had rejected it, it
2:06
seemed kind of obvious. And
2:08
then it did not seem obvious at all
2:10
while the justices were talking about it. They
2:13
didn't seem really interested in focusing on
2:15
this set of criminal claims against former
2:17
President Trump. They were talking about a
2:19
ruling for the ages, as Justice Gorsuch
2:21
put it, raising all kinds of hypotheticals
2:24
that are not in this case about
2:26
the scope of immunity and how a
2:28
ruling that didn't allow for some immunity
2:31
could go too far
2:33
in limiting the president's powers. And so it
2:35
was a kind of upside down moment, I
2:38
think, for a lot of people watching, where
2:40
we thought going in the problem was Trump
2:42
claiming that he wasn't bound by law. And
2:45
the conservative justices seemed to be worried about
2:47
what would happen to future presidents if they
2:49
made it clear that the criminal law did
2:51
apply. Because I think some of the things we've
2:53
heard from the Trump attorneys
2:56
seem on their face ludicrous. Now,
2:58
I'm not an expert
3:01
on jurisprudence, but the notion
3:03
that you could order the
3:05
assassination of your political adversary
3:08
might actually have immunity seems like the kind
3:10
of thing that would apply to, say, Vladimir
3:13
Putin and not to say Joe Biden.
3:15
Because, I mean, let's face it, this
3:17
election could be over quickly if that
3:19
were the case. Right. So it would
3:21
have seemed going in that you
3:23
can't order such an assassination or
3:25
order a military coup without facing
3:27
future criminal prosecution. And remember, we're
3:29
only talking about former presidents. We're
3:31
not even talking about prosecuting someone
3:33
who's still holding office. And
3:36
yet, suddenly, those questions were
3:38
not driving the argument. Instead,
3:40
we were talking about things
3:42
like, well, this was
3:44
Justice Alito. I think the most extreme
3:46
point was the idea, well, if presidents
3:48
did fear criminal prosecution in the future,
3:50
then they would pardon themselves. They might
3:52
do all kinds of corrupt things to
3:54
avoid being held accountable. And so that's
3:56
what I mean by kind of through
3:58
the looking glass. upside-down world.
4:01
And there were certainly liberal
4:03
justices, Katanji Brown Jackson, for
4:05
example, saying, wait a second,
4:08
what are you talking about? But it wasn't clear
4:10
whether they had a majority. Well,
4:12
they don't have a majority, let's put it
4:15
that way. But it is a question to
4:17
me of whether
4:19
the intention here is
4:21
to make a ruling that stands
4:23
up legally or to kick
4:26
the can to ensure that
4:28
the Supreme Court doesn't have to deal
4:30
with this issue during an
4:32
election cycle. How much of this is about timing? A
4:35
lot seem to be about timing. I
4:37
think, well, they're already dealing with it
4:39
during the election cycle. But I think
4:41
it seemed almost impossible that
4:43
Trump would face trial for these federal
4:45
charges about trying to subvert the election
4:47
in 2020. Almost impossible to imagine
4:51
he would face trial before
4:53
November 24. So that almost
4:55
was not even on the table anymore. And
4:58
then you have this question, OK, well, if
5:00
the justices are looking ahead, where
5:02
are there five votes? Could there be
5:05
five votes for a ruling that still
5:07
allows for a prosecution based on all
5:09
the things Trump did as a candidate,
5:11
not as president, this kind of question
5:13
of official acts versus unofficial acts? His
5:15
lawyer actually conceded that a lot of
5:17
the things he indightment are private acts,
5:21
not necessary to holding office. And so
5:23
you could imagine a trial after
5:25
the election, after a whole other
5:27
process in the district court to kind of
5:29
sort through which charges are which that could
5:31
still happen. What about the ruling
5:34
that has already occurred in terms
5:36
of the inability
5:38
of Colorado and other states
5:41
to kick Trump off the ballot?
5:43
Yeah, so this was a 9-0 vote.
5:46
This went 9-0 for President Trump. There
5:48
were four justices who would have issued
5:50
a more limited ruling, but they all
5:52
agreed that the states have to let
5:54
Trump onto the ballot. And this is
5:57
obviously a big victory for him. Also,
6:01
the court's first time really ever weighing
6:04
in on Section 3 of the 14th
6:06
Amendment, which is
6:08
the clause in the Constitution that says if you're
6:10
involved in an insurrection that you're
6:13
not allowed to hold office in the United
6:15
States. Suddenly that seems
6:17
like a much more curtailed
6:20
small protection against having insurrection as whole
6:22
of future office than it did before.
6:24
So that was also a big deal,
6:26
not just for this election, but going
6:28
forward. And did the letter
6:31
that was written accompanying this decision by
6:33
the liberal justices, does that change the
6:35
way we think about the ruling or
6:37
not particular? Well no, because they
6:39
didn't have a majority. I mean, it helped
6:42
shape, I think, the set of discussions
6:45
about how broadly the court ruled, and
6:47
it showed how broad the conservatives were
6:49
being in their ruling, but that is
6:51
kind of it. Let's now talk
6:54
just about the role of the Supreme
6:56
Court, generally speaking, in this
6:59
election. Are there
7:01
areas where you feel like
7:03
the Supreme Court is losing
7:06
their sense of independence, their
7:08
legitimacy? Are
7:10
they stepping into political territory that
7:13
with the balance of powers between
7:15
the courts, the legislative and the
7:17
executive branches, that historically they've not?
7:20
What is setting precedent right now? When
7:22
you compare this moment to Bush versus
7:25
Gore, you see something pretty different unfolding.
7:27
So in Bush versus Gore, a
7:29
conservative-led majority kind of rushes in to
7:31
stop a recount in Florida that could
7:33
have favored Al Gore and says, no,
7:35
no, no, we're just going to issue
7:37
a limited ruling to prevent this from
7:39
happening. And oh, by the way, it
7:41
happens to help determine the election
7:44
for George W. Bush. He takes office. And
7:46
there's a kind of taint
7:48
on the Supreme Court for that. Its
7:50
public approval ratings go down significantly. It
7:52
is seen as partisan. Now
7:55
You also have low public approval ratings
7:57
for the Supreme Court, I think, again,
7:59
because. That is seen as part
8:01
of then. It has this even
8:04
stronger conservative majority of just says
8:06
all appointed by republican presidents and
8:08
it's talking about issuing a very
8:10
broad ruling after really really taking
8:12
it's time in this this Trump
8:15
case and. That seems
8:17
at odds with the kind of
8:19
push forward quickly for Bush vs.
8:21
Gore and the breadth of the
8:23
ruling. And the common factor is
8:25
that both of these decisions appear
8:27
to favor Republican candidates for president.
8:29
That's not going to help the
8:31
courts reputation. How. Likely.
8:34
Do you think that's courses? I.
8:36
Mean these are the questions that says.
8:39
If they've gotten harder to answer because
8:42
you know as an American I want
8:44
to have a good faith belief in
8:46
the just as approach these cases. After
8:49
a certain number of cases come out
8:51
particular ways you start to feel like
8:53
cynicism is realism about the cord on
8:56
and some of it's reasoning in ah
8:58
other cases of also given me a
9:00
lot of doubt about whether there is
9:03
a real kind of sense of fair
9:05
minded ness arm and rule of law
9:07
set of principles that are binding. Some
9:10
of the conservative justices. Because. The justices
9:12
once they were appointed busier right?
9:14
I mean whether they're conservative and
9:16
told for a liberal and cells
9:18
and we have seen cases where
9:20
rulings that of com have been
9:22
surprising from individual justices that happen
9:25
the stork least as happening. Still
9:27
now you would think that the
9:29
justices given that would have an
9:31
incentive to have the court portrayed
9:33
as more legitimate. To have the
9:35
rulings that come out be seen
9:37
by the public is more legitimate.
9:40
Do you see those. Efforts. Well.
9:42
You know, Chief Justice John Roberts has his
9:45
name on the court. It's the Roberts Court
9:47
and in the last several years he has
9:49
been the most concerned with exactly this question
9:51
it appears and in finding some kind of
9:53
middle ground so that by the time the
9:56
term as it doesn't appear as if it's
9:58
just a slam dunk and know. Republicans
10:00
and social conservatives have run the
10:02
table at the court. In a
10:04
case, it was hard to see
10:06
how Roberts was looking for a
10:08
compromise. By it's possible that it's
10:10
still there and we just couldn't
10:12
hear it in his questions. You
10:14
know there's a difference between what
10:16
they the ideas they have thrive
10:18
at oral argument and where their
10:20
opinions land. I also heard some
10:22
questions from just as Barrett that
10:24
seemed odd. more sympathetic to the
10:26
government's point of view, less sympathetic
10:29
to Tom Sawyer. And so it is
10:31
possible that with the three Liberal justices,
10:33
there are still five votes for something
10:35
that will seem more moderate than what
10:37
appeared coming out of argument. That
10:40
were moved to the second. Big.
10:42
Area of all cases and for
10:44
the court Reproductive Health Right to
10:47
an Abortion Rights Drugs that can
10:49
facilitate abortion Big taste and for
10:51
the court right now involving the
10:53
F D A: Explain that to
10:55
the viewers. Yeah, so this
10:57
is a case about the asked
10:59
his authority to regulate drugs broadly
11:01
and in particular to decide that
11:03
it's safe to reduce restrictions on
11:06
abortion pills. The most important part
11:08
of what the fk dead with
11:10
to say that doctors could prescribe
11:12
pills and those pills to be
11:14
sent through the mail that you
11:16
didn't have to go haven't in
11:18
person, visit with an abortion pride
11:20
or to get the pills. The
11:24
challenge is brought by some doctors
11:26
who are are anti abortion and
11:29
who say that's because of the
11:31
asked his decisions. The number of
11:33
complications from abortions has risen and
11:35
they might have to treat such
11:38
a complication in the hospital. It's
11:40
a very hypothetical claim, not the
11:42
kind of claim that usually get
11:45
into port for successfully usually have
11:47
to sell. I actually experienced a
11:49
hard harm directly yes and it's
11:52
really hard to see that. here
11:54
so during the argument before the supreme
11:56
court it entirely likely that there would
11:58
be a strong majority of justices, maybe
12:01
even seven justices who would say, you
12:03
know what, this is not the right
12:05
case. These plaintiffs didn't really experience harm.
12:08
And we're not going to decide these
12:10
issues about the FDA's authority, whether the
12:12
FDA did it right in loosening these
12:15
restrictions, because we don't have the right
12:17
people standing here in court. And that
12:19
would kick this can down the road,
12:21
which will be very important because this
12:24
is the case that affects women across
12:26
the country. It's not state by state.
12:28
It's not Idaho's abortion ban. It's
12:30
the FDA's authority to allow pills to
12:33
be shipped everywhere and other rules
12:35
that have made abortion pills more accessible
12:37
for women in blue, as well as
12:39
red states. How much is
12:41
interstate commerce playing a role in this?
12:44
The fact that individual states can't make
12:46
rules if the government comes in federally
12:48
and says, no, actually, we're going to
12:50
undermine the nature of previous rulings
12:53
by saying that women are just going to have the
12:55
ability to get these drugs. Yeah.
12:57
So the FDA authorized the drugs
12:59
and they're all federal law governs
13:01
them. There are still state bans
13:03
of the drugs in effect. So
13:06
legally speaking, you can't take these
13:08
pills in red states that have
13:10
banned them, even though the FDA
13:12
has allowed them to be available.
13:15
So there are still protections, if
13:18
you want to use that word, against
13:21
women using them in red states. Those
13:23
red states laws still stand. This is
13:25
really just about the FDA's authority foundationally
13:27
to allow people to access
13:29
the pills. For women
13:31
on the Supreme Court right now,
13:33
historic high water mark, how
13:36
has that played out in
13:38
the arguments in the discussion on the
13:40
court on issues that are
13:43
setting back, let's be clear, women's
13:45
rights for decades in the United States? So
13:48
in Dobbs, which overturned Roe,
13:51
Justice Barrett voted with the
13:53
men on the court to overturn Roe
13:55
versus Wade. She has not taken any
13:57
kind of vote yet in a number
14:00
of cases. abortion case that softens that
14:02
result. It will be interesting
14:04
to see if that continues this term.
14:06
In the FDA case we were talking
14:08
about, there's also a case out of
14:10
Idaho that is about whether Idaho can
14:12
have an exception to its abortion ban
14:14
that only applies when someone
14:16
is at risk of death. A very,
14:18
very strict limit, right? Doctors have to say,
14:20
this person is going to die before they
14:23
can do an abortion. And
14:25
the federal government, the Biden administration, is
14:27
challenging that law under what's called MTALA,
14:29
which is the federal law that says
14:31
that emergency room docs have to provide
14:34
necessary stabilizing treatment for people. So the
14:36
idea is you shouldn't have to wait
14:38
until a woman is at the brink
14:40
of death to do an abortion if
14:43
that's the procedure that is necessary to
14:45
spare her from losing an organ or
14:47
going into a coma. And
14:49
in the context of that case, Justice
14:52
Barrett asked a lot of sharp questions
14:54
that were really about women's experience of
14:56
labor and delivery that seemed like she
14:58
was taking this very seriously.
15:01
Now we'll have to see how she
15:03
votes to know whether that really makes
15:05
a difference. But there was a level
15:07
of candor about women's health and experience
15:10
of pregnancy and labor that was, you
15:12
know, unusual at the court. I'm asking
15:14
this in part because it does seem when
15:16
you're trying to understand the Supreme Court that
15:19
there's a certain amount of Kremlinology,
15:21
I mean, just having to read
15:23
the tea leaves and understanding what
15:25
these Supreme Court justices actually mean
15:28
when they're making these decisions and trying
15:30
to get inside their heads. It's true.
15:32
It's true. I mean, I think that we
15:34
do have them playing with
15:36
ideas at argument and we get to read
15:38
what they've written. And sometimes, you know, you
15:40
could just get a sense of
15:43
the dynamics based on how they are
15:45
responding to each other in writing. They're
15:48
on a kind of publicity tour right now,
15:50
some of them to reassure everyone about how
15:52
well they get along with each other individually.
15:54
I'm personally mystified why they think we should
15:56
care about that. I Don't care whether
15:58
they can be nice to each other. The other when
16:00
they're having lunch. Whether their colleagues all
16:03
I care about, whether. American.
16:05
Law is going in a direction
16:07
that make sense to most Americans,
16:09
right? I care about the principles
16:12
at stake and how much they're
16:14
agreeing or disagreeing about these fundamental
16:16
precepts arm of our legal system.
16:18
So and. Then I would argue you're
16:20
not unusual demographic in terms of your
16:22
engagement with supreme court United States. But
16:25
why? Why is it matter how well
16:27
they get along with each other? Where
16:29
the average American? yeah, like the third
16:31
modeling collegiality? like? who cares about? That's
16:33
what. You're in a country where are
16:35
The one thing the Democrats and Republicans
16:38
agree on is that the other side
16:40
is trying to destroy democracies. It is
16:42
interesting and unusual to see a group
16:44
of conservatives and liberals that actually talk
16:47
to each other and seem to have
16:49
respect for each other's people. That
16:51
are totally fair. I guess I would just
16:53
say that they all have an incentive to
16:55
protect the institution. Rates the Liberals as was
16:58
a conservative. They don't want to see Americans
17:00
lose total faith in the court. That's not
17:02
good for them and their job security and
17:04
their collective legacy. and so it just seems
17:07
self interested to need to be going on
17:09
about like hojatieh they are with each other.
17:12
So. Be on the degree to which the
17:14
supreme Court just get along with each other?
17:16
How much does it matter in your view,
17:19
If the Supreme Court is or is not
17:21
in step, With. The Views
17:23
of the American Public. Yes, this
17:25
is a class A question about our
17:27
separation of powers. The Just As are
17:30
not elected. they're not supposed to be
17:32
simply responding to popular well right like
17:34
weather. On the other hand, if they
17:36
lose sight of the American public entirely
17:38
if they're not paying attention to claim
17:41
it as opposed to like whether it's
17:43
raining then they lose their legitimacy and
17:45
then the other branches of government get
17:47
rest is an have done things in
17:49
the past like change how many justices
17:51
there are on the court and so
17:54
you know. I also. Think for the
17:56
health of American democracy. you want all
17:58
three branches more. Allow. Thinking
18:00
about how the American public is
18:03
moving forward as opposed to being
18:05
stuck in the past. And when
18:07
you have supreme court justices who
18:09
were confirmed decades ago, there was
18:11
no term limits. Wait, there's no
18:13
regularity to how there are placed.
18:16
You risk having them really cemented
18:18
back in the past. Went with
18:20
the set of concerns and politics
18:22
of when they got onto the
18:24
court versus thinking ahead. And if
18:26
you think the American electorate is
18:28
moving in a more liberal direction
18:31
and you have this very strong
18:33
off strongly entrenched conservative majority kind
18:35
of worry about tension there. Ah,
18:37
and the question is like, how
18:39
much space can there be. Was
18:54
move on to other cases that are
18:56
interesting facing the court right now homelessness
18:59
or is in front of the court.
19:01
The idea that like you have to
19:03
have a right to be able to
19:05
be on the street if there's no
19:07
other place for you to go. Oh
19:09
what's at stake here We do. You
19:11
think this is, oh. Yeah. So
19:13
this is a case coming out
19:15
of a ton organ called Grant's
19:17
Pass that provides very little services
19:19
for homeless people and also has
19:21
been a crime to sleep outside
19:24
with a blanket. And the question
19:26
is whether that violates the ban
19:28
against cruel and Unusual Punishment in
19:30
the Eighth Amendment on the Ninth
19:32
Circuit, which is the appeals court
19:34
that has jurisdiction in the West
19:37
of the United States, said years
19:39
ago that it is that cities
19:41
can't provide very services. and also
19:43
make it a crime to sleep outside
19:45
the rest of the country doesn't live
19:48
under that legal regime and it's easier
19:50
for cities to say you gotta go
19:52
you can't sleep here you can't put
19:55
up a tent here and the justice
19:57
how to kind of philosophical discussion about
19:59
sleeping is sleeping like breathing, something
20:01
that a city or a state has to
20:03
make room for people to be able to
20:06
do, and if they don't have it inside,
20:08
then they have to do it outside. The
20:11
Conservatives were skeptical about this whole
20:13
idea that you would have any
20:15
Eighth Amendment right to live outside.
20:18
And so it seemed like at the end of argument
20:21
that cities are going to have
20:23
more leeway to make people get
20:25
up and move to prevent homeless
20:27
people from being on the street,
20:30
in parks, etc. I have
20:32
the idea then that one way or
20:35
the other, the state has to provide
20:37
either setting up homeless shelters or making
20:39
room for them in jail. I
20:41
mean, we'll see if there's even a part of
20:44
the decision that talks about what states and cities
20:46
have to do. It's kind
20:48
of a crazy case in that the
20:50
problems we have with being unhoused in
20:52
this country are about big policy disputes
20:54
about there's not enough affordable
20:56
housing, we don't have good transportation from place
20:59
to place. That's why there are a lot
21:01
of people who are homeless in addition to
21:03
problems with not treating drug
21:05
use and mental health. This
21:09
case is not really about any of
21:11
that. It's about a more theoretical question about
21:13
cruel and unusual punishment. And so in
21:15
a sense it seems kind of removed
21:17
from the actual policy problems that state
21:19
and local officials face all the time
21:21
when they're trying to figure out how
21:23
to provide adequate services, how to get Americans
21:25
to want to pay for adequate services.
21:28
How often do you think the Supreme Court justices are like,
21:30
you know, I just don't want to deal with the
21:32
issue that you want me to deal with. I'm going
21:35
to take it on my own way because that's uncomfortable.
21:37
I mean, sometimes they do just change
21:39
the question that the parties are asking
21:41
or trying to get them to resolve.
21:44
They just Grant review on
21:46
a different question and say, we're going in
21:48
a different direction. Once They've taken a case.
21:50
they're supposed to be limited by what the
21:53
parties have argued, what they've talked about in
21:55
the lower courts. There's a whole set of
21:57
constraints that are supposed to make them. Hire
22:00
within the lines. Of the last
22:02
case I wanna ask you about
22:04
is this landmark Chevron case that
22:07
involves to what extent are these
22:09
major Us federal agencies like the
22:11
P A can make significant over
22:14
arching rulings. Yeah, so this
22:16
is. it's really about deregulation right?
22:18
We have federal agencies. They take
22:21
the laws that Congress has written
22:23
and they still in all the
22:25
details with regulations and not how
22:27
to democracy has operated really. Since
22:30
the new deal the agency is
22:32
have become more powerful. They do
22:34
more an increasingly corporations are more
22:36
conservative, they want less regulation they
22:39
pushed back. So one of the
22:41
big legal rulings at the center
22:43
of this Chevron says. That if
22:46
a lot is ambiguous and the
22:48
agency has a reasonable interpretation, other
22:50
courts will defer to the agency's
22:52
reading of the law. and the
22:54
idea here is that agencies have
22:56
hundreds of people who work there.
22:58
They're the experts. Judges or not,
23:00
they know better. That is now
23:02
completely up for grabs. Seems very
23:04
unlikely that Chevron, as we've known
23:06
him since the mid length and
23:08
eighty's is gonna continue. And what's
23:10
the conservative justices seemed eager to
23:13
do in this case was. Make
23:15
it easier for corporations to challenge
23:17
regulations and have some judges that
23:19
are sympathetic to that point of
23:21
view overrule agencies like the He
23:23
Play and the Fcc and the
23:25
Sta a kind of alphabet soup
23:27
of Washington mess. For many decades
23:29
we've relied on to make these
23:31
rules. And so the idea
23:34
of these so called deep state
23:36
or will you have thousands and
23:38
thousands of bureaucrats that are making
23:40
laws for your average Americans. But
23:42
there is. and goggin a sense
23:44
of the legitimization. They it's not
23:47
the supreme court, it's not just
23:49
your Congress. it's also the civil
23:51
servants in the United States. We're
23:53
seeing backlash against the. absolutely and
23:55
he'll one way to think about these
23:58
agencies that they keep us safe Right?
24:01
They make sure the water is clean and that
24:03
the air is clean and they tell power
24:05
plants you have to limit your carbon emissions.
24:08
Another way to think about them is
24:10
they're intruding on corporate profits and taking
24:12
up too much power. And either Congress
24:14
should be writing very, very clear, very
24:18
granular rules about what
24:22
They can regulate. Exactly. Or
24:25
the courts should be saying we're going to
24:27
figure it out ourselves and probably in a
24:29
more deregulatory environment.
24:32
So in the grand scheme of things, it seems
24:34
like a lot more at stake with
24:36
Supreme Court rulings for the
24:38
state of the republic right now in
24:40
this session than we would normally see.
24:43
Yeah, this is just a huge year for the Supreme Court,
24:45
you're right. There's a whole
24:48
other set of challenges about the
24:50
power of social media platforms vis-a-vis
24:52
the government states that want to
24:54
tell companies like Meta
24:57
and Axe, etc.,
24:59
that they can't remove content from
25:01
their platforms, that they want to
25:03
remove because they think
25:06
that it's misinformation or it's
25:08
hate speech. So yeah,
25:10
it's just a giant year for the Supreme Court, you're
25:12
right. Nobody better to navigate it with
25:14
us. Emily Bazlind, thanks so much for coming back
25:16
on GZERO. Thanks for having me. That's
25:20
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