Episode Transcript
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See terms at discover.com/credit card. Hey
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everyone, you're listening to Code Switch. I'm
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B.A. Parker. And I'm Gene Dunby. So
0:25
Gene. What's up? When I last
0:27
visited D.C., we grabbed this Uber together.
0:29
Do you remember this? There
0:32
we go. Fun fact, did you know
0:35
that the Pan-African flag is the green is for
0:37
the Irish? Are you
0:39
serious? In solidarity with their struggle. What
0:42
did you just tell me to do? That's what
0:44
Marcus Garvey was interviewed in 1920 and he
0:46
was like, it's black, red, and green. The
0:48
green is for Irish solidarity. Yeah. I
0:53
still cannot process this. Wait, what? Is that true,
0:55
Parker? What? Kinda,
0:57
sorta. Okay,
1:01
the more common story about the
1:03
green in that flag is that
1:06
it symbolizes the natural fertility of
1:08
Africa. Right, that's what I heard. Right, but also
1:10
it makes sense why
1:12
that story is compelling enough that we
1:14
both believe it. I
1:16
mean, Garvey was known for his
1:18
solidarity with Irish self-determination. And
1:21
he was outspoken during the Irish
1:23
War of Independence and often drew
1:25
parallels between Irish freedom and black
1:27
freedom. And Irish people have a
1:29
reputation for solidarity with colonized people because
1:32
they themselves were colonized by the
1:34
Brits. And look, in the
1:36
context of where we were going in
1:38
the Uber, it made sense.
1:41
We just walk, where is it this? Oh,
1:44
it's right there. Okay, oh, we got
1:46
42 seconds. So you took me
1:48
to this Irish pub called Kelly's Irish Toms. It's right
1:50
near Union Station here in DC. Not that far from
1:52
the NPR building, as a matter of fact. Give
1:55
me your thirsty, your famished, your
1:57
befuddled masses. Okay.
2:00
The Fuddled? The Fuddled. I
2:03
was trying to find something that was mentioned in a
2:05
book from the 90s called Black and
2:07
Green. Okay. It's about the
2:10
history of black and Irish civil
2:12
rights movements and the author,
2:14
Brian Dooley, wrote about seeing an unexpected
2:16
picture up in that pub and I
2:18
wanted to see if it was still
2:20
there. There you go. There he
2:23
is! Wait, there he goes! Alright,
2:25
Gene, what are we looking
2:27
at here? We got
2:29
a picture of Frederick Douglass, old
2:32
timey looking, like 1800s photo. Just
2:34
kind of young here too. You brought
2:36
me to an Irish pub to find
2:39
Frederick Douglass and a picture
2:42
of Frederick Douglass that apparently has been up there for
2:44
like decades? That's right,
2:46
Gene! Okay, but how does that
2:48
make sense, Parker? Well, okay, that's what
2:50
I want to get into for this episode, Gene.
2:53
Beyond and before Marcus Garvey, there's
2:55
a long history of solidarity between
2:58
activists and civil rights leaders in
3:00
the US and Ireland and through
3:02
that exchange, we can get a
3:05
glimpse into how organizing gets more
3:07
complicated across borders and race. And
3:10
that history dates back to when Frederick
3:12
Douglass toured Ireland in 1845. Uh-huh.
3:16
So we're going to get into it. Stay
3:19
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4:49
right, so you were saying that Frederick
4:51
Douglass toured Ireland in 1845. Can you
4:53
say more about this, please? All right.
4:56
Very curious. So, to get into
4:58
it, I want to introduce you
5:00
to Cecilia Hartzell. My name is
5:02
Cecilia Hartzell. I am a historian.
5:04
Cecilia is from the US and
5:06
currently lives in Ireland, and she
5:08
gives talks on African-American history. And
5:10
one of her areas of expertise
5:13
is Frederick Douglass' visit to Ireland.
5:15
Okay, but why? Why
5:17
was Frederick Douglass in Ireland to begin with? So
5:21
in 1845, Douglass had just published his
5:23
memoir, Narrative of the Life of Frederick
5:25
Douglass. It was a call to
5:27
action around abolition. It made
5:30
Frederick Douglass, who was a fugitive from slavery,
5:33
one of the most famous people in the United States.
5:35
And that fame was dangerous. He
5:38
knew he was at risk of being
5:40
recaptured. By then, the
5:43
British had legally abolished slavery, so
5:45
fleeing across the pond made sense.
5:47
Right. So he did
5:49
that. So he was in Dublin,
5:52
Wexford, Limerick, up in
5:54
Belfast. All right, so Frederick
5:57
Douglass, he's touring around Ireland, living. free.
6:00
But what was he doing when
6:02
he was there? What was he doing in particular? He was giving
6:04
a lot of talks. He spent
6:06
a lot of time here talking
6:09
about abolition, American churches links to
6:11
slavery. There were a lot of
6:14
active anti-slavery societies on the British
6:16
Isles turning their causes toward ending
6:18
slavery in the US. African
6:21
Americans who escaped from slavery became sorry
6:23
if you will on a circuit going
6:25
over there to tell them what being
6:27
enslaved was about. And Douglas was really
6:29
the star of that circuit when he
6:31
went over in 1845. He's
6:34
given like TED talks for black
6:36
freedom basically. Basically. They were
6:38
very receptive to him. In fact,
6:40
it's through abolitionists in the UK
6:43
that Douglas is able to purchase
6:45
his own freedom. And
6:47
there were Irish activists who had
6:49
Douglas's attention whose works got reported
6:51
on in the States like Daniel
6:54
O'Connell. Douglas says that he
6:56
first came across Daniel
6:58
O'Connell by hearing his name cursed
7:00
by his masters. O'Connell
7:03
was known as the Liberator.
7:05
He led and won the fight
7:07
for Irish full citizenship in the
7:09
1830s. Daniel O'Connell was an
7:11
Irish nationalist who was focused
7:13
on Catholic emancipation. He
7:16
wasn't so much about Ireland leaving
7:18
the UK. He
7:20
was about Catholics being
7:23
able to practice their religion, being able to
7:25
inherit property, being able to serve
7:28
in Parliament without being
7:30
discriminated against. But that's not
7:32
why slave owners in Maryland were cursing him.
7:35
O'Connell was also an outspoken
7:37
abolitionist and he's been calling
7:39
out the United States' hypocrisy
7:41
for decades even
7:43
when it lost some popularity or
7:46
funding. O'Connell would never shake the hand
7:48
of a slave holder if he knew
7:50
him to be one and he would
7:52
never take a donation from a slave
7:54
holder saying he would never fire the
7:56
freedom of Ireland for the price of
7:59
slaves. Douglas really wanted
8:01
to see O'Connell in action, so
8:03
he dropped into a meeting he knew O'Connell
8:06
would be speaking at. In
8:08
one of Douglas' letters published in
8:10
an abolitionist newspaper, he recapped
8:12
the speech, writing, He said, Douglas
8:30
wrote a lot about how impressed he
8:32
was with O'Connell's speaking. I
8:46
have heard many speakers within the last four
8:48
years, but I confess, I have
8:51
never heard one by whom I was
8:53
more completely captivated than by
8:55
Mr. O'Connell. According
8:58
to his letter, he wasn't planning on
9:00
introducing himself, but while he was lingering
9:02
around hoping to get closer, Douglas'
9:05
friend got him an introduction, and that
9:07
was the one night the two men
9:09
met. Douglas was 27 and
9:11
O'Connell was 70. O'Connell
9:15
died two years after, and even though
9:17
they only met in person once, O'Connell
9:20
had already shifted Douglas' worldview.
9:23
Okay, but how so? Well, Douglas
9:26
was there at the start of the Great
9:28
Famine, which lasted from 1845 to 1852. So,
9:34
I guess we should probably give an explanatory comment here.
9:37
This is what a lot of us
9:39
know in the States as the potato famine, when
9:41
about a million people in Ireland died
9:44
of starvation or disease, and
9:46
that kicked off a half-century wave of
9:48
Irish folks immigrating to the United States by
9:50
the millions. And the famine
9:53
wasn't just about crop failure.
9:55
It was the result of
9:57
oppressive colonial policies. were
10:00
still growing crops, but since
10:02
the British controlled the farmland
10:04
and housing, the Irish couldn't feed
10:07
themselves. Their crops had to
10:09
be shipped out to Britain and the rest
10:11
of the empire in order to stay housed.
10:13
There was stark poverty across Ireland that Douglas
10:15
wrote about in an 1846 letter. I
10:19
see much here to remind me of my
10:22
former condition. He who
10:24
really and truly feels for the American
10:26
slave cannot steal his heart to
10:28
the woes of others. And
10:30
he who thinks himself an abolitionist yet
10:33
cannot enter into the wrongs of others
10:35
has yet to find a true foundation
10:37
for his anti-slavery faith. It's
10:40
kind of like that Audre Lorde quote.
10:43
It goes like, I'm not free while any woman
10:45
is unfree even when her shackles are
10:48
very different from my own. Exactly. Oh
10:50
my gosh. We love Jean the
10:52
Wominess. I think seeing the poverty
10:54
here, I think it broadened his
10:56
understanding that yes, things were
10:58
horrible for African Americans in America,
11:01
but there were chains of suffering
11:03
that linked people in Ireland to
11:05
African Americans as well. So
11:08
Douglas was in the UK for about 19
11:11
months. When he prepared to
11:13
leave Britain in 1847, he
11:15
quoted O'Connell in a speech called,
11:18
Farewell to the British People. O'Connell
11:20
once said, speaking of Ireland, how
11:23
truly or falsely that her history
11:25
may be traced like the
11:27
track of a wounded man through a crowd. This
11:30
description can be given of Ireland. How
11:33
much more true is it when applied to
11:36
the sons and daughters of Africa in
11:38
the United States? Their history
11:41
is nothing but blood, blood,
11:43
blood. Hmm.
11:48
Yeah, that's why Frederick Douglas might
11:50
be up on the wall of
11:53
an Irish pub in the US for decades.
11:55
Okay, okay, okay. But back to that
11:57
bar in D.C. We
12:00
should probably say that it's
12:02
a cop bar, like a really copied
12:05
cop bar. Yeah. The walls were
12:07
plastered with police badges. There
12:10
were a bunch of doors to police
12:12
cars on display. And those doors were
12:14
covered in signatures, I'm presuming that those
12:16
are the signatures of cops. Oh, I
12:18
looked it up. They were definitely cops
12:20
and FBI agents and all kinds of
12:23
law enforcement. Okay, okay. But that
12:25
portrait is a salute to Frederick
12:27
Douglass, you know, for his solidarity with Ireland. But
12:30
Irish American cops, you
12:32
know, who came to dominate policing in a lot of big cities,
12:34
like the ones that you and I grew up in, they
12:38
were smack in the middle of
12:41
a more contentious history between Irish
12:43
Americans and Black Americans here in the US.
12:45
Uh-huh. And when we come
12:48
back, we're going to fast forward to
12:50
1960s when a young Irish activist runs
12:52
into exactly that. Stay
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presenting Ripley. From Academy Award winner Steven
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Heads up, this section contains depictions
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of violence. Parker.
14:32
Jean. Coatswitch.
14:34
All right, so Parker, you've been leading me down this
14:36
rabbit hole about how a visit
14:39
Frederick Douglass took to Ireland in 1845
14:43
sparked this whole history of
14:45
solidarity and exchange between black activists
14:47
here in the United States and
14:49
Irish Republican activists, both
14:51
of whom were fighting in very different contexts
14:54
for self-determination. So all right,
14:56
we're moving to the 1900s
14:59
after the Republic of Ireland won
15:01
its independence and Northern Ireland was
15:03
established as part of the United Kingdom. Okay, my
15:06
feet is pulled up. I got my chin in
15:08
my hands. Let's go. Okay.
15:13
In 1969, a young member of
15:15
parliament from Northern Ireland named Bernadette
15:17
Devlin came to the US
15:19
on a highly publicized tour. When
15:22
she was 21 and considered a bit of
15:24
a rabble-rouser, one of her opponents
15:26
called her Fidel Castro in a mini
15:28
skirt. I mean, that's one
15:31
of those things that's clearly meant to be an insult, but I
15:33
feel like a lot of people would think it was a compliment.
15:37
I mean, so yeah, kind of
15:39
like Douglass in the 1840s, Devlin
15:42
came to the US to get support
15:44
for the Irish and the plight they were
15:46
facing back in Ireland. This
15:48
was at the start of a time we now
15:50
know as the Troubles. I guess maybe
15:52
this is an explanatory comma. I think so. Let's
15:55
do an explanatory comma. The Troubles was
15:57
this period between the 1960s and the 1960s. 1990s
16:01
when Irish nationalists and Irish Republicans
16:03
were fighting for Northern Ireland to
16:05
be a country that was independent
16:08
from the United Kingdom. Yeah, and
16:10
the British government condemned the Irish
16:12
fighting for independence as terrorists and
16:15
used force to quell any protests.
16:18
Yeah, we should say, like, and be
16:20
really clear here, the troubles, if you
16:22
don't know, were really, really
16:24
ugly. Like, there was this infamous
16:27
Bloody Sunday massacre in 1972
16:30
when these British soldiers were stationed
16:32
in Ireland, shot dozens of unarmed
16:34
Irish protesters. Some of the
16:36
radical Irish nationalist groups carried out bombings that
16:39
killed other Irish civilians, which was controversial stuff
16:41
even among, you know, their fellow nationalists who
16:44
wanted the British going. And these bombings are
16:46
part of where those terrorism accusations come from.
16:48
Right, and a lot of the
16:50
time that conflict is oversimplified as
16:52
an issue between Catholics and
16:54
Protestants, but it
16:57
had very little to do with religion actually. The
16:59
Irish Catholics in Northern Ireland
17:01
were fighting against things like
17:03
hiring discrimination, disenfranchisement, housing
17:06
discrimination, police brutality.
17:08
You know, sounds
17:10
familiar? Yeah, just a little
17:12
bit. Just a little bit. Devlin also
17:14
wanted American citizens to know how they
17:16
were complicit in what was happening to
17:18
the people in Northern Ireland. Here
17:21
she is on Meet the Press during that 1969 visit.
17:23
I think that America
17:25
should realize that America
17:27
supplies the guns to the British
17:29
government, we supply the arms
17:32
to the Royal Ulster Constabulary, we
17:34
supply the arms to the B-Specials who shoot
17:36
people in North Maryland with us. Hmm,
17:41
I mean, that framing, you know,
17:43
that America is supplying an occupying
17:45
force overseas that has
17:47
some contemporary resonances, but
17:50
back then how did people here in
17:52
the United States react to the case that
17:55
she was making? Well, Devlin was
17:57
trying to court Irish-American support
18:01
and was surprised at the friction she
18:03
was running up against, specifically
18:06
their hostility towards Black people.
18:09
Like Frederick Douglass and Daniel O'Connell,
18:11
Douglass thought that there was obvious
18:13
similarity between her experience as a
18:15
Northern Irish Catholic and Black struggles
18:18
in the US. She
18:20
wrote that solidarity into her speeches,
18:23
she visited Black Panther chapters. Later
18:26
in life, she'd befriend Angela Davis. At
18:29
one of her events in Detroit, she reportedly
18:32
refused to speak until the Black
18:34
folks online were let in because,
18:36
you know, it's 1969. Yeah,
18:38
right, right, right. Meanwhile, Devlin thought
18:40
she'd find solidarity with the Irish immigrants
18:42
that had come to the US after
18:45
the Great Famine through the early 20th
18:47
century because they've come
18:49
to America, were oppressed themselves,
18:52
and faced discrimination in the US. But
18:56
there wasn't really. Right, and throughout
18:58
the 20th century, there's this idea, I was thinking
19:00
about this historian at Harvard, his name's Khalil Jabbar-Mohamed,
19:02
and he's written a lot about the history of
19:04
policing in America. And he said
19:06
that policing was central to the
19:09
way Irish people went from something of a
19:11
pariah class in the United States to
19:14
folding into this broader tapestry of
19:16
American whiteness, like securing police
19:18
jobs in cities like New York and
19:21
Philly and Chicago and your hometown of
19:23
Baltimore. It created
19:25
this pathway for patronage, for building
19:27
local political influence. And over time,
19:30
that allowed Irish people in
19:32
the United States to shed this dubious reputation for
19:35
criminality because they were now the
19:37
agents of law and order. But becoming
19:40
cops also meant that
19:42
those same Irish Americans
19:44
were often enforcing the social
19:46
control of Black folks in those same cities. I
19:49
think that's what's bugging me because there was
19:51
this window to maybe organize and
19:53
see their situations as
19:55
similar. Instead, a lot
19:57
of the Irish in America... did
20:00
this thing where they found encouragement
20:03
and opportunity in separating themselves from
20:05
black people and I'm not
20:07
the only one disappointed Devlin
20:10
was so disheartened by the rhetoric of
20:12
a lot of the Irish Americans she
20:14
encountered She decided to show
20:16
them how she really felt about their behavior.
20:18
Okay? What did
20:21
she do? All right Well the mayor
20:23
of New York had given Devlin a
20:25
key to the city as a way
20:27
to honor the work She'd done in
20:29
support of Irish Catholics. Okay, and
20:32
in Bernadette
20:34
was given an award By
20:36
the mayor and she gave
20:39
it to the Black Panther Party You
20:41
heard that right She turned
20:43
around and re-gifted the key to
20:45
the Harlem chapter of the Black
20:47
Panthers with the message quote To
20:50
all these people to whom this city and
20:52
this country belong. I Returned
20:54
what is rightfully theirs this
20:57
symbol of the freedom of New York
20:59
end quote. Oh wow I
21:02
mean, I don't know what the Black
21:04
Panthers would want with the kid to the city But I
21:06
kind of get the symbolism she's gone for yeah, but Parker
21:10
Whose voice was that that we just
21:12
heard that's Reverend Herbert Daughtry senior He's
21:14
a black civil rights activist and the founder of
21:16
the House of the Lord Church in Brooklyn where
21:19
he grew up He's
21:21
worked with Reverend Jesse Jackson.
21:23
He was the spiritual advisor
21:25
to Tupac What
21:27
this is the kind of cat we should all know about
21:29
like he's hanging out in the background of every photo of
21:32
the last 50 years He's
21:36
93 now and Activism
21:39
has been his life's work
21:41
and he has the slogan
21:43
save the planet Save
21:46
the people and Reverend Dodger is
21:48
part of the next iteration of
21:50
this exchange between Irish
21:52
and black activists in 1983
21:57
the Reverend was invited to visit Northern Ireland
21:59
with the small small group of black
22:01
activists and artists to bear witness to
22:03
the Catholic struggles during the troubles. It
22:06
was captured in the documentary, The Black
22:09
and the Green, by the late filmmaker
22:11
St. Clair Bourne. You know,
22:13
such a thing that us in the
22:15
Republican movement would not think about, things
22:18
that are split into people. It's critical
22:20
now. If there were ever a time
22:22
that people of goodwill,
22:25
progressive people, right, needed
22:27
each other, you know, now
22:29
is the time. Because if we don't find
22:31
each other, these people who constitute the
22:33
rulership of the United States and other
22:35
Western countries are going to blow up
22:37
the world. Full disclosure, Jean,
22:40
this documentary is what led me down
22:42
this path in the first place. And
22:44
you just heard Daughtry's voice in that film.
22:47
Huh, okay. So why was Reverend Daughtry
22:50
invited to Northern Ireland? Well, Reverend
22:52
Daughtry was a co-founder of the
22:55
National Black United Front, which focused
22:57
on being radical leftist
22:59
Pan-African Christians, which is a
23:02
vibe. He
23:04
gained notoriety in the 1970s
23:06
for leading protests after the assault
23:08
of several young black teenagers in
23:11
downtown Brooklyn. And
23:13
Irish Republican organizers took notice.
23:16
Daughtry was also organizing in solidarity
23:18
with the Irish struggle. In
23:22
1981, there were the hunger strikes
23:24
in Ireland carried out by Irish
23:26
Republican paramilitary leaders in prison in
23:28
Northern Ireland. They
23:30
were striking against Margaret Thatcher's
23:33
government, revoking their status as
23:35
essentially prisoners of war. And
23:38
Reverend Daughtry remembers it being part
23:40
of the larger movement. Basically,
23:43
the hunger strikes were separately demanding
23:46
independence from Britain. They
23:49
had been at it 800 years, they say. Ultimately,
23:52
10 prisoners died of
23:54
starvation. And one of them,
23:57
Bobby Sands, was an elected member of parliament
23:59
at the White House. time. Bobby
24:03
Sands was a leader
24:05
of the hunger strike who
24:07
died in prison and
24:11
became close to the Irish
24:13
struggle. The
24:16
second hunger strike drew support from all over
24:18
the world and Irish Republicans
24:20
gained political power and agency. Irish
24:23
Republicans, IRA members and reps for Sinn
24:26
Féin, which is an Irish Republican political
24:28
party, were the ones who reached out
24:30
to these black American activists, in
24:32
part because they admired what the civil rights
24:35
movement did in the United States. And
24:38
while Daughtry and his fellow activists
24:40
ended up accepting the invitation to
24:42
go to Ireland, they were a
24:44
little hesitant based on their interactions
24:46
with Irish Americans in the States.
24:50
Okay, so that's kind of the flip side of
24:53
Devlin's experience in the States. Yeah,
24:55
and it's something they were having
24:57
a hard time reconciling. Like
25:00
in Ireland, the Irish were the
25:02
oppressed, but in the US, towards
25:05
black people, the Irish were members of the
25:07
oppressors. Yeah, people in the US can kind of
25:10
get caught up in the mechanics of how race
25:13
and power work here in the US. But we
25:15
sometimes forget that, you know, those
25:17
mechanics don't really map onto the rest of the world
25:19
and that this works very differently
25:21
elsewhere. Yeah, and on Reverend
25:23
Daughtry's way to Ireland, he had
25:26
a layover in London, and he
25:28
had found himself chatting with a
25:30
British theologian who assumed Daughtry was
25:33
on a missionary trip. He said, you're
25:36
going up there to try to convert them.
25:39
And we'd all look at this
25:41
thing and all
25:43
the disgust and the contempt that
25:46
is usually reserved for us. Before
25:48
he even got to the
25:50
island, Reverend Daughtry started to
25:52
experience and understand those foreign
25:55
dynamics. It kind of blew my mind,
25:58
you know, the world. Here's this. white
26:00
dude. Now he included me
26:03
in his group against
26:05
some other white folks. Once
26:09
he landed, Reverend Godfrey said that being
26:12
in parts of Northern Ireland felt like being
26:14
back home. He could so
26:16
clearly see his experience as a black
26:18
person in the US within the
26:20
streets of Belfast. Sort of
26:22
like what Frederick Douglass was saying, like a century and
26:24
a half before, when he said, you know, I see
26:26
much here to remind me of my former condition. So
26:30
it was an economic
26:33
oppression, economic exploitation. People
26:36
tried to confine it to religions
26:38
and Roman Catholics, but
26:40
it was it was people that
26:43
were being treated that way. Godfrey
26:46
was also struck by how present
26:48
violence was in every part of
26:50
their journey. From the
26:52
rubble aftermath they witnessed in some neighborhoods
26:54
to the recent histories of where they
26:56
slept. So
26:59
here in Belfast, they just put
27:01
me up in a home with
27:04
a family. And it's so happened that
27:06
the family they put me with was
27:08
a family who had experienced
27:10
a brunt of British oppression.
27:13
Reverend Godfrey stayed in the house of
27:15
a woman named Suzanne Bunting. Her
27:18
husband was a man named Ronnie
27:20
Bunting, a leader in
27:22
the Irish National Liberation Army, a
27:24
group that waged a very personal
27:26
war against the British Army and
27:29
the police force in Northern Ireland.
27:31
They had Hatchet knocked
27:33
down the door, the
27:36
British, to get to her house. Her
27:39
husband had been killed, shot nine
27:41
times. Two of his friends
27:43
in the next room was killed. She
27:47
was shot four times and
27:49
her daughter had to crawl
27:51
over the bodies to get
27:53
to the neighbors to tell them what had happened.
27:56
And that's why I stayed. This
28:00
happened just three years prior
28:02
to Daughtry's visit. That's
28:07
one of the sticky things about this history,
28:09
right? Like of course, there's this awful violent
28:11
oppression the UK is enacting on the people from
28:14
Northern Ireland. And at the same time, the IRA
28:16
is notorious for its violence. Like there was a
28:18
time in big British cities
28:20
where you couldn't find trash cans in public
28:22
because that was a place that the IRA
28:25
would sometimes stash bombs. They blew up buses
28:27
in London, right? It was scary. Yeah, the
28:29
group of activists Daughtry traveled with
28:31
were also more of the nonviolent
28:34
type. Some were even mentees
28:36
of Martin Luther King Jr. But
28:39
the longer the trip went, the
28:41
more these activists were becoming unsure
28:43
of that nonviolent stance. In
28:46
fact, Reverend Daughtry has heard the
28:48
documentary saying, quote, I
28:51
don't believe there is any such
28:53
thing as nonviolent change. What
28:56
we tend to call the nonviolent sixties
28:58
wasn't very nonviolent at all. The
29:01
question isn't one of nonviolence.
29:04
The question is who's going
29:06
to receive the violence and
29:08
whether there will be reciprocity, end
29:11
quote. So
29:16
Parker, what did Daughtry end up getting out of
29:19
this visit to Ireland? Well,
29:21
like what we heard from Frederick
29:23
Douglass after his visit to Ireland,
29:25
Reverend Daughtry talked about this ability
29:27
to see the oppression that's not
29:30
just outside our front door. It's
29:32
what Reverend Daughtry kept telling me during
29:34
our interview, his mission statement for the
29:36
past 60 odd years. Save
29:38
the planet, save the people. To
29:44
the oppressed, to the captives of
29:46
the oppressed, to heal
29:48
the sick, to open the blind eyes. That
29:51
has been the priority is the
29:54
least of these,
29:56
the working to
29:58
bring quality. life
30:00
to the world's masses. Not
30:04
to neglect the rich, but
30:07
to prioritize the poor. And
30:13
the legacy of that solidarity is
30:15
something we're seeing in activism today.
30:18
Right, like you see organizers associated with the
30:20
movement for Black lives or the indigenous activists
30:22
in the land-back movement tying
30:24
their cause pretty closely to those
30:27
of Palestinians, as one example. Right.
30:29
In November, 2023, over
30:32
a thousand Black pastors in the
30:34
U.S. called on President Biden to
30:37
take action towards a ceasefire in Gaza. One
30:40
of those pastors is Reverend
30:43
Daughtry's daughter, Bishop Leah Daughtry.
30:46
Here she is talking to Joy Reed on
30:48
MSNBC. Because as people of faith, as
30:50
people of conscience, and given
30:53
the call on who we purport
30:55
to serve, that is Creator God,
30:57
we could not stand by and
30:59
watch the horror
31:01
that is taking place in
31:03
Gaza and in Israel as innocent lives
31:06
are being decimated. And
31:08
across the pond, activists and politicians
31:10
from the Republic of Ireland and
31:13
Northern Ireland have been leading the way
31:15
in calling for a ceasefire in Gaza.
31:18
In January of 2024, there was
31:20
a march in Dublin. One
31:22
of the speakers was none other than
31:25
Bernadette Devlin. My
31:27
generation knows
31:29
what oppression was like. We
31:32
know what it was like for
31:34
a whole community to
31:37
be defined as guilty. Now
31:40
in her 70s, Bernadette is still fighting
31:42
the good fight. It's
31:45
something that compares with what the
31:47
people of Gaza have to endure.
31:52
But the generations before us
31:55
on this side of the border know
31:58
what it was like. to
32:01
be an oppressed nation. So
32:05
I remember last fall there was this Israeli minister
32:07
who said that Palestinians should quote, go to
32:09
Ireland or the deserts. And at the time
32:11
I was like, okay, he's just pulling some
32:14
random country out of his ass, right? Like
32:16
the way Bugs Bunny tells people to
32:18
go to Timbuktu. And then I
32:21
learned about this longer shared
32:23
history between the Irish and
32:25
the Palestinians. Because both of them were
32:27
colonies of the same British
32:29
empire. This is dude Lord
32:31
Arthur Balfour, who was the prime minister of the
32:33
UK. He was the foreign secretary of the UK
32:36
at different points in his career. But
32:38
he was nicknamed Bloody Balfour for
32:40
how violently he oppressed the Irish
32:42
and their calls for freedom. And
32:45
Balfour is also the namesake of
32:47
the Balfour Declaration, which paved the
32:49
way for the state of
32:51
Israel and Palestine. So he fast forward
32:53
all these decades later and maybe it's unsurprising that
32:55
Ireland was the first European Union member
32:57
to call for the creation of a Palestinian state that
33:00
was way back in 1980. It
33:02
was one of the first countries in the EU to
33:04
demand a ceasefire in Gaza last fall.
33:07
And Ireland is set to
33:09
join South Africa's genocide case against Israel
33:12
in the world court. You
33:16
know, I think about
33:18
this journey we've been on, learning
33:20
about the history of the solidarity.
33:23
And it's about so much more
33:25
than finding it super interesting. I
33:28
mean, frankly, Gene, this story gives
33:30
me hope. Can you say
33:32
more about that? Well, it showed me
33:34
what looking out for one another can actually
33:37
look like. It can look
33:39
like supporting abolition. It can look like providing
33:41
aid. It can look like advocating for people
33:43
who can't speak for themselves at the moment.
33:46
It can look like literally liberating
33:49
the oppressed. Yeah, it kind
33:51
of makes me think of that Audrey Lord quote we talked about earlier. And
33:53
you know, the false trap of
33:56
a singular struggle. Any
33:58
opportunity we have to underline that point. is
34:00
the opportunity we should take. And
34:03
also, to the extent that it's a singular
34:05
struggle, it's because of the British Empire. And
34:10
that's your show! You can
34:12
follow us on Instagram at NPR Code Switch.
34:14
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Switch. And thanks to everyone who
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already signed up. This episode is produced by Jess
34:46
Comm. It's edited by Dalia Martana.
34:50
And a big shout out to the rest of the Code Switch
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masses. Christina Kala, Xavier Lopez,
34:54
Leah Danella, Brehlen Williams, and
34:56
Lori Lizzaraga. And special
34:59
thanks to our Frederick Douglass, Sa'it
35:01
Tejan. I'm
35:04
B.A. Perker. I'm Gene Debe. I'm Dream.
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